a-films

report: "rapping against walls"

2011-05-14T17:00:00.004+02:00

2011-05-14

[de]
in the west bank, dissident voices questioning the palestinian authority's increasingly authoritarian rule have become rare. but a young musician in ramallah refuses to hold his tongue. (...) [read more]

interview: "the neoliberal consensus in palestine"

2011-04-25T23:00:00.011+02:00

2011-04-26

[it] [fr]
recently, palestinian economists raja khalidi and sobhi samour published a highly critical article on the palestinian authority's neoliberal policies and its statehood program. they claim that the palestinian authority is offering the palestinians living in the occupied west bank “a program predicated upon delivering growth and prosperity without any strategy for resistance or challenge to the parameters of occupation.” electronic intifada contributor and a-films activist ray smith interviewed raja khalidi. (...) [read more]

report: "nablus stands beautiful and unvisited"

2011-04-24T11:00:00.002+02:00

2011-04-24

palestine experiences a boom in tourism, as herds of tourists storm the cities of jerusalem, jericho and bethlehem. meanwhile, the west bank city of nablus, rich in historic and religious sites, hardly attracts visitors. (...) [read more]

report: "palestinians find trade, not an economy"

2011-04-18T22:00:00.003+02:00

2011-04-19

[es] [fr]
the palestinian authority is preparing to establish a state in near future. but the palestinian economy remains strongly tied to israel, and manufacturers are struggling to recover from the second intifada. (...) [read more]

activist and friend killed in gaza

2011-04-15T10:00:00.010+02:00

2011-04-15

[de] [it]
today, our good friend vittorio arrigoni from north italy was killed in gaza. according to news reports, he was abducted yesterday by a militant islamist group. soon after the abduction, he was awfully killed.
we have known vittorio for many years and collaborated with him in north lebanon and italy. vittorio was an inspiring person with seemingly unlimited energy and motivation. we're shocked and sad.

may our brother rest in peace.

a-films

report: "emergency aid: a means of coercion"

2011-03-02T21:00:00.005+01:00

2011-03-02

[de]
a campaign launched in early february criticizes switzerland's emergency aid regime for rejected asylum-seekers as inhuman and violating the basic rights of those concerned. the constitutional right to assistance in emergency situations has become an instrument of migration policy. (...) [read more]

video: "deterred, but still around"

2011-01-30T10:00:00.015+01:00

2011-01-30

[de] [it] [fr]
since january 2008, all rejected asylum-seekers in switzerland are only entitled to receive emergency aid ('nothilfe'). it is provided by the cantons in different ways. emergency aid however shouldn't be considered as an assistance, but as an instrument of a policy of deterrence within the framework of 'fighting migration'. the underlying idea is: the more the marginalisation and material deprivation of the illegalised people, the better chance they'll leave switzerland.
for different reasons however, many rejected asylum-seekers don't leave the country, but defy state control and go into hiding. others receive emergency aid and live on the fringe of society for years, while being systematically hassled and marginalized by the authorities. the emergency aid barely ensures the survival of the affected people. and most definitely it doesn't guarantee a dignified life.
with the help of three undocumented migrants, our 25-minute film documents what it concretely means to live under the emergency aid regime. the question why those people have come to switzerland is intentionally blanked out. in our opinion, the question isn't relevant, neither in general nor regarding the discussion of the emergency aid regime.

we thank solidarité sans frontières for supporting this film.

the short documentary can be downloaded here and watched here on youtube.

report: "nahr al-bared reconstruction delay throws civil rights into spotlight"

2010-12-03T00:00:00.002+01:00

2010-12-03

more than three years after nahr al-bared refugee camp in the north of lebanon was destroyed, its reconstruction is finally under way. however, the process runs at a slow pace and remains only partially funded as further political obstacles appear on the horizon. meanwhile, the lebanese army continues to maintain a tight grip on the camp's residents and attempts to silence any criticism. (...) [read more]

report: "lebanon pressured to improve palestinians' lot"

2010-11-19T18:00:00.004+01:00

2010-11-19

[de]
abu yussif doesn't want to talk about his work any more. "it's not going to help and nothing will change anyway," he says. the tall, white-haired palestinian has just returned from work and relaxes in his little garden in the refugee camp bourj ash-shamali near the southern lebanese city of tyre. abu yussif is a pharmacist. but the massive discrimination against palestinians on the lebanese labour market has forced him to give up his profession and work as a taxi driver. (...) [read more]

report: "a missed opportunity"

2010-08-28T11:00:00.007+02:00

2010-08-28

[de]
last week's decision by the lebanese parliament to improve the employment situation of palestinians has gained wide media attention and praise around the world. in fact, however, the reform hardly changes the refugees' dire conditions in lebanon. (...) [read more]

video: "undocumented occupation"

2010-06-28T14:00:00.007+02:00

2010-06-28

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
on 26 june, about 300 migrants and solidarity activists occupied a park right besides the seat of the swiss government in bern. they've been protesting against switzerland's inhuman asylum and migration policy and demand the collective regularisation of the country's undocumented migrants.

unlike other european countries, switzerland has been refusing to regularize the approximately 100.00 to 200.000 undocumented migrants living in the country. through its extremely harsh and restrictive asylum and migration policy, switzerland aims at making itself 'as unattractive as possible' for asylum-seekers in order to 'protect' itself from immigrants.

the 8-minute clip provides a brief insight into the action. migrants and supporters tell about their problems and demands.

the short documentary can be downloaded here and watched here on youtube.

video: "learning german autonomously"

2010-05-20T20:00:00.008+02:00

2010-05-20

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
on 19 april, a barrack on a plot belonging to the freight depot of zurich's railway station was squatted and revived. the barrack has been empty for more than a year. the canton of zurich plans to build a new police and justice center for 570 million swiss francs (US$ 500 million) on the plot.

as a result of a police raid and the destruction of the zurich autonomous school on the city's outskirts in january 2010, the grassroots association "education for all" was forced to relocate again. after several stops the association has now restarted to operate in the squatted barrack at the freight depot.

"eduaction for all" is part of zurich's right-to-stay collective. for more than a year it's been offering german courses for hundreds of illegalized refugees and migrants as well as asylum seekers whose applications are being processed. the association advocates the right to education, migration and asylum.

the 10-minute video provides an insight into the autonomous school, while students and teachers depict their points of view.
the short documentary can be downloaded here and watched here on youtube.

report: "calls to end forced deportations follow custodial death"

2010-03-31T20:00:00.005+02:00

2010-03-31

[de] [es]
human rights organisations have been demanding an independent inquiry into the death of a nigerian asylum seeker who died while being deported and a stop to all forced repatriations. (...) [read more]

video: "checkpoints and more"

2010-03-15T09:00:00.007+01:00

2010-03-15

[عر] [de] [es] [it] [fr]
nahr al-bared refugee camp has still not recovered from the devastating war in 2007 during which it was destroyed. the lebanese army has been keeping a tight grip on the camp and the 20.000 displaced palestinians that have returned so far. the army's siege seriously hampers the camp's economic recovery, as access is restricted and the area was declared a military zone. a recent survey found that the army's presence and measures are considered a difficulty by 98 per cent of nahr al-bared's business owners. the army meanwhile justifies its presence as necessary to the preservation of the safety of the people.

this 30-minute film documents various consequences of the siege on nahr al-bared. merchants and artisans explain their specific problems and the UNRWA project manager, a project coordinator of the palestinian-arab women league, the president of nahr al-bared's merchants' committee and a researcher provide their views and thoughts on the issue.

the short documentary can be downloaded here and watched here (part 1/2/3) on youtube.

1/3:

2/3:

3/3:

report: "nahr al-bared camp still far from being rebuilt"

2010-03-12T14:00:00.002+01:00

2010-03-12

[de]
after the palestinian refugee camp nahr al-bared was totally destroyed in a war in 2007, the lebanese government promised the 30.000 refugees a quick reconstruction and the return to the camp. however, the government's words haven't materialized yet, while the camp remains under the tight grip of the lebanese army. (...) [read more]

report: "nahr al-bared's economic recovery hampered by military siege"

2010-01-18T19:00:00.012+01:00

2010-01-18

[de] [fr]
more than two years after the end of the fighting, the war-torn palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared, located in northern lebanon, is far from the model the lebanese government has promised the camp would become. instead, reconstruction of the camp is delayed, the area is a military zone with restricted access, and the camp's economy is stalled and residents are largely unemployed. (...) [read more]

report: "new lebanese security approach rejected by palestinians"

2010-01-18T14:00:00.004+01:00

2010-01-18

[de] [fr]
recent inter-factional clashes in lebanon's ain al-hilweh refugee camp once more illustrated the fragile security situation in some of its palestinian camps. lebanese plans to take over security within the camps are rejected by the palestinians. (...) [read more]

report: "police smash school for undocumented migrants"

2010-01-08T23:00:00.007+01:00

2010-01-08

[de]
the zurich police have raided and demolished an autonomously run school where undocumented migrants held language classes. the raid came as the swiss government admitted that its harsh treatment of undocumented asylum-seekers has partly failed, and following an announcement that it is again planning a revision of federal asylum law. (...) [read more]

report: "rebellious rhymes from a destroyed refugee camp"

2009-12-29T14:00:00.005+01:00

2009-12-29

[de] [es] [fr]
the hip-hop beats ringing through the muddy, unlit streets of the burnt-out palestinian refugee camp nahr al-bared seem incongruous. but the rhymes are camp-grown - and courageous. (...) [read more]

video: "rapping against post-war misery"

2009-12-17T17:00:00.017+01:00

2009-12-17

[عر] [de] [it] [fr] [tr]
mc tamarrod is the first and only rapper in nahr al-bared refugee camp in lebanon. since the destruction of the camp in a war in 2007, mc tamarrod is among 30.000 displaced palestinians. almost 20.000 refugees have returned to the outskirts of the destroyed camp, awaiting its reconstruction and suffering from the lebanese army's siege of the camp.

displacement, temporary housing, checkpoints, humiliation, discrimination... these are the topics that mc tamarrod angrily raps about. inspired by the hip-hop crews katibe 5 and i-voice in beirut's bourj al-barajneh refugee camp and rap groups in palestine such as ramallah underground or DAM, he decided to take up the microphone and let the world beyond the checkpoints know about the situation in nahr al-bared.

this 5 minutes clip features mc tamarrod's latest song and a short interview with the rapper. it can be downloaded here and watched here on youtube or below.

report: "refugees remain sceptical of nahr al-bared reconstruction"

2009-11-25T19:00:00.007+01:00

2009-11-25

[de] [fr] [tr]
more than two years after their refugee camp was destroyed in a war between the lebanese army and the islamist militant group fatah al-islam, nahr al-bared refugees wednesday witnessed the start of the camp’s reconstruction. their relief is mixed with scepticism, however. (...) [read more]

image: popular art in nahr al-bared camp

2009-11-09T17:00:00.009+01:00

2009-11-09

[عر] [de] [es] [it]
a few days ago, two displaced residents of the destroyed nahr al-bared refugee camp in north lebanon expressed their perception of the reconstruction process on a local wall...

report: "undocumented migrants run their own school"

2009-10-13T14:00:00.010+02:00

2009-10-13

switzerland is a tough place for asylum-seekers and undocumented migrants. in zurich, they have been running a remarkable campaign for the past year, challenging the canton's asylum policy. now, they have opened their own school. (...) [read more]

report: "nahr al-bared reconstruction delays protested"

2009-10-01T19:00:00.004+02:00

2009-10-01

since the end of august, construction equipment in the palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared, near the northern lebanese city of tripoli, has stood unused after the lebanese state council granted a two month moratorium for the reconstruction of the camp. nahr al-bared, home to approximately 30,000 refugees, was destroyed during a three-month-long battle between the lebanese army and the militant group fatah al-islam in the summer of 2007. (...) [read more]

report: "nahr al-bared's reconstruction in limbo"

2009-09-23T19:00:00.005+02:00

2009-09-23

[de] [it] [fr]
since the end of august, construction machines in the palestinian refugee camp nahr al-bared are resting. the lebanese state council granted a two month moratorium for the reconstruction of the destroyed camp. (...) [read more]

report: "shattered camp revives under military eyes"

2009-08-25T17:00:00.002+02:00

2009-08-25

palestinian refugees at nahr al-bared in north lebanon are living under tight military siege two years after a war destroyed the refugee camp. it has now become a test case for a new approach in lebanon's security policy towards palestinian refugee camps. (...) [read more]

video: "two years under siege"

2009-06-24T10:00:00.002+02:00

2009-06-24

[عر] [de] [it] [fr]
two years after the outbreak of the war in nahr al-bared, the camp's fate remains unclear. the reconstruction of the official camp might start soon, but the army keeps its tight grip on the camp. several checkpoints, barbed wire and military posts cut nahr al-bared off from its surroundings.

nahr al-bared camp used to be a thriving marketplace in the northern lebanese region of akkar and about half its costumers were lebanese. during the war, the lebanese army has not only defeated the militant group fatah al-islam, but also completely destroyed the refugee camp. its businesses were looted, smashed and burnt, even after the war had ended. the camp's once flourishing economy was physically eliminated.

two years later, about half the camp's population has returned to its adjacent area. hundreds of businesses have re-opened, but economic recovery is seriously hampered by the tight siege imposed by the lebanese army. thus, suspicions have risen that the war's actual target wasn't fatah al-islam, but nahr al-bared's economic life.

in this 10-minute film, the co-owner of an ice cream factory, the president of the local trader's committee and the imam of the al-quds mosque speak out on the siege and its economic consequences.

the film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/316mb) and here (.mov/124mb) in good quality. it can be watched here on youtube or below.

report: "the forgotten prime areas"

2009-06-15T21:00:00.006+02:00

2009-06-15

[de] [fr]
the three-month-long war between the lebanese army and fatah al-islam militants in the palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared in northern lebanon ended on 2 september 2007. while the lebanese army has allowed displaced residents to return to some parts of the camp, the fate of other parts of the camp still under the army's control remains unclear. (...) [read more]

video: "a sip of coffee"

2009-06-11T10:00:00.009+02:00

2009-06-11

[عر] [de] [it] [fr] [tr]
in may 2007, the battle between fatah al-islam and the lebanese army broke out in nahr al-bared refugee camp in northern lebanon. amidst heavy fighting, the lebanese army had systematically destroyed the entire camp by september 2007. two years later, nearly all the rubble has been cleared from the "old camp", the core of nahr al-bared. however, though the displaced residents grow increasingly desperate, reconstruction has yet to begin.

not only does the lebanese army keep people away from the old camp, but it also controls movement in and out of the surrounding area known as the "new camp.” anyone entering the new camp requires a valid permit issued by the army. refugees and NGOs working to revitalize the once robust economy of the camp face crippling isolation, as the marketplace of nahr al-bared is totally cut off from the surrounding villages. a flailing economy and soaring unemployment are only a few of the consequences of the destruction and ongoing siege of the camp.

this 26-minute film follows a father and his son as they attempt to deal with their unemployment. the two have been living in metal barracks for more than a year, waiting to return to their camp. by documenting issues of reconstruction, temporary housing, economy, unemployment and despair, the film touches on the daily experience of life in nahr al-bared camp.

the film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/804mb) and here (.mov/313mb) in good quality. it can be watched here (part 1/2/3) on youtube or below.

part 1:

part 2:

part 3:

report: "no work in nahr al-bared"

2009-05-24T19:00:00.004+02:00

2009-05-24

[de] [it] [fr]
mohammad and mahmoud sat on an idle field on the edge of the palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared in northern lebanon. while mahmoud sang to the songs being played on his mobile phone, mohammad used his for gaming. mohammad looked up and explained, "we spend our days doing nothing. we get up and sit at the cafe for a few hours. then we go home and pray. we gather again and return to the cafe. there we sit until the evening. every day passes like this." (...) [read more]

video: "protest against barracks"

2009-05-18T23:00:00.007+02:00

2009-05-18

[عر] [de] [es] [fr]
on 15 may 2009, several hundred residents of the destroyed nahr al-bared refugee camp in north lebanon gathered at the al-quds mosque to march along the army posts to a construction site in the south of the camp. there, yet another piece of land was flattened and the building of the fifth unit of temporary shelters for displaced families is being prepared.

in their chants, the protesters demanded the return to the old camp and the end of the siege on nahr al-bared and the abolishment of the permit system respectively. abu tayyeb of the residents' committee demanded the immediate stop of the building of the new barracks as long as the reconstruction in the old camp wouldn't start. he further criticized corruption and nepotism in the reconstruction process and asked why the rebuilding of the old camp is constantly being delayed. he hinted at intentions to actually not rebuild the camp and told the crowd: „the laying of the foundation stone on 9 march was nothing but a lie!“

the 2-minute video can currently only be watched here on youtube or below.

report: "growing resentment in nahr al-bared"

2009-05-17T19:00:00.008+02:00

2009-05-17

[de] [it] [fr]
about two years ago, a battle broke out between the lebanese army and the militant group fatah al-islam in the palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared in northern lebanon. the summer-long battle concluded in september 2007 and the camp was totally destroyed - the rubble indicating that the destruction was systematic, most likely committed by the lebanese army. after several delays, the UN-mandated core of the camp, the so-called "old camp," has meanwhile been cleared of approximately 600,000 meters of rubble. yet, reconstruction hasn't begun and residents are still unable to enter the old camp, the access of which is controlled by the lebanese army, and displaced refugees are increasingly resentful. (...) [read more]

video: "sans-papiers protest for identity papers"

2009-04-08T23:00:00.005+02:00

2009-04-08

[de]
on tuesday, 7 april 2009, more than 100 undocumented migrants and supporters marched from the refugee café "refugees welcome" to the department of social affairs and the department of migration of the canton of zurich. they demanded valid identity papers and protested against their identity cards being taken away.

at both offices, the refugees left a letter of protest, in which they demanded official identity cards. some of the sans-papiers only have a small paper issued by their emergency centers. however, these papers won't protect them from police repression. also, they can't get certain items at the post office or borrow books in libraries with this paper.

the protesters pointed out that since the occupation of a church in winter 2008/09, systematic police controls in and around emergency centers have increased. after the occupation, the department of migration of zurich forbid the emergency centers to issue provisional identity papers. especially refugees, who have to move from one center to another every week were stripped of their identity papers.

the undocumented migrants argued, that this way they're deliberately subjected to repression. they protested against their attrition and criminalization by the authorities. neither at the department of social affairs nor at the department of migration, the responsible officials appeared to receive the letter.

the 10-minute film documents the demonstration and refugees explain the context of their protest.
it can be downloaded here (.mpeg/329mb) and here (.mov/121mb). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

video: "right to stay now!"

2009-03-10T17:00:00.002+01:00

2009-03-10

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
on 19 december 2008, around 150 undocumented migrants and solidarity activists occupied the prediger church in zurich (switzerland) for more than two weeks. the squatters demanded a just implementation of the hardship provision, the abolition of the prohibition of work and the legalization of the status of all undocumented migrants.

in 2007 and 2008, several stricter laws regarding asylum and foreigners have been implemented in switzerland. there's no social aid for rejected asylum seekers anymore and the concerned persons are only entitled to receive emergency assistance. its procedure, quantity and form is up to the cantons. the canton of zurich forces people to live on only 60 swiss francs (us$ 52) per week in coupons for the supermarket chain migros. some migrants are even forced to change their accommodation (emergency shelters) weekly.

zurich is also very strict in the implementation of the so-called hardship policy. the provision for cases of hardship allows undocumented migrants, who have lived in switzerland for at least five years and have "integrated very well" to file a request for a residency permit. after checking these requests, cantonal migration authorities forward them to the federal office for migration (FOM). the canton of zurich, however, puts extremely difficult conditions and hasn't forwarded a single request to the FOM in 2008.

activists of the bleiberecht (right to stay for all) campaign have already occupied a church in zurich in 2007. during the last year, further protests and activities were organized. however, zurich's asylum policy hasn't improved and in winter 2008, many people regarded a determined action as necessary in order to push their demands forward.

the film documents the occupation of the church. undocumented migrants and activists of the bleiberecht collective explain the current problems, their demands and further aspects of the occupation in detail. they tell about the talks with the department of migration of zurich and evaluate the political results.

the 30-minute film was produced by several video activists with a-films, bleiberecht bern, bleiberecht zürich and solidarité sans frontières.
it can be downloaded here (.mpeg/706mb) and here (.mov/356mb). also, it can be watched (part 1/2/3) on youtube or below.

part 1:

part 2:

part 3:

video: "press conference at the squatted church"

2009-01-11T21:00:00.010+01:00

2009-01-11

[de] [fr]
on 29 december 2008, the squatters of the "prediger" church in zurich, switzerland, invited the media to a press conference. several delegates of the sans-papiers talked about their precarious situation in the canton zurich and explained their political demands.

the 9-minute film contains selections of the press conference. it can be downloaded here (.mpeg/302mb) and here (.mov/111mb). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

more information about the squatted church can be found on the website of the bleiberecht-kollektiv zürich.

video: "voices from the church st. jakob"

2009-01-07T06:00:00.007+01:00

2009-01-07

[de] [fr]
on sunday, 4 january, the squatters left the "prediger" church in zurich and accepted an invitation by the church "st. jakob". by moving to this church, the preconditions for a talk set by the government official hollenstein were fulfilled. on monday, 5 january, mr. hollenstein received a delegation of sans-papiers for a talk.

in the short film, two migrants share their disappointment about the poor outcomes of the talk, once again explain their problematic situation and talk about what should happen next.

the 8-minute film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/249mb) and here (.mov/93mb). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

more information about the squatted church can be found on the website of the bleiberecht-kollektiv zürich.

video: "demonstration 'right to stay for all'"

2009-01-05T01:30:00.011+01:00

2009-01-05

[de] [es] [fr]
on 3 january 2009, around 2000 people protested along with the squatters of the church against the asylum policy of switzerland ans specifically of the canton zurich.

the short film provides some impressions from the march.

the 3-minute video can be downloaded here (.mpeg/103mb) and here (.mov/38mb). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

more information about the squatted church can be found on the website of the bleiberecht-kollektiv zürich.

video: "voices from the squatted church (3)"

2009-01-04T00:00:00.012+01:00

2009-01-04

[de] [fr]
before saturday's demonstration and the upcoming resettlement to the church st. jakob on sunday, the squatters of the "prediger" church in zurich are still committed to their struggle. meanwhile, pressure from the media and the church increases and calls for the refugees to leave get louder.

in the short film, three migrants from guinea-bissau, iran and iraq and an activist of the local support committee talk about the current situation and problems and offer an insight to their mechanisms of collective organization.

the 10-minute film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/322mb) and here (.mov/126mb). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

more information about the squatted church can be found on the website of the bleiberecht-kollektiv zürich.

video: "voices from the squatted church (2)"

2009-01-01T18:00:00.007+01:00

2009-01-01

[de] [fr]
13 days after squatting the "prediger" church in zurich, switzerland, spirits are high and the sans-papiers and activists are still determined to continue their struggle for a right to stay and a dignified, self-controlled life for all. the squatters insist on their demands. they are not willing to leave the church as long as there are no concrete measures taken up by the authorities to solve their problems.

in the short film, two migrants, an activist of the support committee and a solidary priest talk about squatting the church and the political demands of the squatters.

the 10-minute film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/317mb) and here (.mov/118mb). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

more information about the squatted church can be found on the website of the bleiberecht-kollektiv zürich.

video: "voices from the squatted church (1)"

2008-12-30T17:00:00.015+01:00

2008-12-30

[de] [it] [fr]
on friday, 19 december 2008, around 150 sans-papiers and solidarity activists squatted the "prediger" church in zurich, switzerland. they are fighting for a right to stay for all and a life in independence and dignity. the squatters demand from the canton zurich documents for everyone, the abolition of the prohibition of work and the implementation of the hardship provision.

in the short film, three migrants speak about their action, problems and hopes.

the 10-minute film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/322mb) and here (.mov/120mb). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

more information about the squatted church can be found on the website of the bleiberecht-kollektiv zürich.

video: "transitions"

2008-11-05T14:00:00.011+01:00

2008-11-05

[عر] [de] [es] [it] [fr]
more than a year after their homes were destroyed during the battle between the lebanese army and the militant islamist group fatah al-islam, the majority of the refugees from nahr al-bared in north lebanon find themselves in a difficult situation. not able to return to their homes, stuck in pre-fabricated housing units and often unemployed, many of them feel frustrated and hopeless, only sometimes seeing a glimmer of hope.

being subjected to aid organizations and external political decisions, many refugees have started to critizice the humanitarization of their political problem and voice opposition to the politics of humanitarian aid.

this short film, produced in october 2008, documents the experiences and thoughts of several young residents of nahr al-bared camp, as they talk about current developments in the camp and about their personal situation.
the film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/594mb) and here (.mov/226mb) in good quality. it can be watched here (part 1/2) on youtube or below.

part 1:

part 2:

report: "uncertainty clouds nahr al-bared's future"

2008-10-23T21:00:00.002+02:00

2008-10-23

[de]
one year has passed since the first palestinians were allowed to return to the outskirts of the nahr al-bared refugee camp, destroyed by the lebanese army during three months of fighting in the summer of 2007 with fatah al-islam, a small islamist militant group. meanwhile, up to 15,000 people have resettled in the camp. many of them are still waiting to freely access their destroyed homes, as the lebanese army still exclusively controls the "old camp" in the core of nahr al-bared, as well as parts of the "new camp" on the outskirts. (...) [read more]

video: "between past and present"

2008-10-15T19:00:00.010+02:00

2008-10-15

[عر] [de] [es] [it] [fr]
one year has passed since the first palestinians were allowed to return to the outskirts of the destroyed nahr al-bared refugee camp, to the so-called "new camp". meanwhile, up to 15.000 people have resettled there, many of them waiting to access their destroyed homes in the "old camp", the core of what used to be nahr al-bared camp. the lebanese army still exclusively controls the old camp as well as parts of the new camp.

nahr al-bared camp used to be an economic center in the north of trablous. although the first shops and companies have reopened in nahr al-bared, they struggle with difficult economic conditions such as the siege of the camp.

this 16-minute film was produced in a small workshop in the camp. it deals with the current developments in nahr al-bared, focusing on economic aspects and on reconstruction.
the film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/537mb) and here (.mov/246mb) in good quality. it can be watched here (part 1/2) on youtube or below.

part 1:

part 2:

report: "picking oranges the palestinian way"

2008-10-14T19:00:00.003+02:00

2008-10-14

[de] [it]
the sun has yet to rise at an orange plantation in the hinterland of the southern lebanese city of tyre. muhammad has just transferred ten buckets of oranges into black plastic boxes at the edge of the orange grove. after carrying the empty buckets back to the other workers, he says: "after this work i return home, rest for an hour and leave for my second job as a decorator. harvesting oranges alone doesn't feed my family." (...) [read more]

video: "harvesting oranges"

2008-10-14T18:00:00.019+02:00

2008-10-14

[عر] [de] [es] [it] [fr] [tr]
early in the morning, between 5 and 6am, a wave of footsteps and whispering voices can be heard in the narrow alleys of bourj ash-shamali refugee camp in south lebanon. it is in the darkness of the early morning hours that hundreds of palestinian day laborers leave their homes, gather in the streets and then head to their work in the fields and plantations of the region. more than two-thirds of the camp's labor force work at least part-time in agriculture.

lebanese law treats the more than 400,000 palestinian refugees in the country as foreigners. therefore they are not allowed to own land, they are forbidden to work in dozens of jobs, they aren't guaranteed a minimum wage and they aren't integrated into the lebanese social and medical insurance system. these various forms of exclusion make them vulnerable and exploitable in many ways.

this 17-minute film is the result of a video workshop in bourj ash-shamali camp. it deals with various aspects of the work and life of palestinian day laborers in the plantations of south lebanon.
the film can be downloaded here (.mpeg/559mb) and here (.mov/231mb) in good quality. also, it can be watched here (part 1/2) on youtube or below.

part 1:

part 2:

video: "cleaning up"

2008-06-25T19:00:00.009+02:00

2008-06-25

[de] [it] [fr]
the first few hundred palestinian families were allowed to return to their destroyed or damaged homes at the outskirts of nahr al-bared camp in winter 2007/08. they faced a very difficult situation. many of them lost their homes and most of their property was either destroyed or stolen.
this short video documents the refugee's experiences once they returned to their camp and their efforts to deal with their new reality.

for security reasons, only an anonymized version of the film is published. it can be downloaded here (.mpeg/247mb) and here (.mov/109mb) in good quality. also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

video: "writings on the walls"

2008-05-22T21:00:00.019+02:00

2008-05-22

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
this short film documents many racist, sexist, humiliating and insulting graffiti that lebanese soldiers had written on the walls of the houses in the destroyed palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared.
while many graffiti are directed against the non-palestinian islamist militant group fatah al-islam and its leader shaker al-abssi, others address the palestinian refugees. in some cases, the destruction of the camp is portrayed as a revenge for massacres committed by palestinian militias in the lebanese civil war.

the graffiti can be understood as instruments of psychological warfare and as an additional method regarding the political strategy of the lebanese army to demoralize the refugees and keep them from returning to their destroyed camp. however, the graffiti also illustrate the frustrations and personal attitudes of the soldiers during the fighting. almost 200 soldiers were killed in the 3-month battle.
as a reaction to related reports in the lebanese media, the army has covered many sprayings and drawings with paint.

this 7-minute film was produced in winter 2007/08. also in the houses that the military has handed back to their owners in spring 2008, such graffiti can be found.

for security reasons, only an anonymized version of the film is published. it can be downloaded here (.mpeg/235mb) and here (.mov/86mb) in good quality. also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

report: "more questions than answers"

2008-05-22T14:00:00.002+02:00

2008-05-22

one year ago, on 20 May 2007, the fighting began between the lebanese army and the militant group fatah al-islam in nahr al-bared refugee camp in northern lebanon. during more than three months of fighting between the army and the extremist group, more than 47 Palestinian civilians, 178 soldiers and at least 220 militants were killed. more than half a year after the battle came to an end, only a fraction of its residents have been allowed to return. (...) [read more]

video: "traces of collective dispossession"

2008-05-01T19:30:00.025+02:00

2008-05-01

[de] [es] [it] [fr] [tr]
on march 31st 2008, the lebanese army made 20 houses in majles street in the destroyed palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared accessible. all 20 buildings had signs of burning. often, entire rooms or even floors were completely burnt. at least in 16 houses, traces of flammable liquids could be found on the walls.

from the official end date of the fighting in early september 2007 until march 30th 2008, all of majles street was under the exclusive control of the lebanese army. the amount of looting, arson and intentional destruction in majles street and in nahr al-bared camp in general point to a systematic collective dispossession of the camp's residents by the lebanese army.

the lebanese army has so far strongly forbidden any filming or photographing in nahr al-bared. the army, its secret service and local collaborators make sure that nobody breaks this unwritten law.

the 10-minute film documents the mentioned accusations in detail. it can be downloaded here (.mpeg/329mb) and here (.mov/125mb) in good quality. also, it can be watched here on youtube or below.

report: "who burned nahr al-bared?"

2008-04-30T15:00:00.007+02:00

2008-04-30

[de] [es]
on march 31st 2008, the lebanese army allowed access to a few dozen houses in sahabe and majles street in the destroyed palestinian refugee camp of nahr al-bared. in almost all houses, clear evidence for arson can be found. (...) [read more]

report: "the 'humanitarian' sidelining of nahr al-bared"

2008-04-08T10:55:00.006+02:00

2008-04-08

[de] [es] [it]
a 5 april 2008 television report by al jazeera english from the destroyed palestinian nahr al-bared refugee camp in northern lebanon characterizes the media's sidelining of the nahr al-bared story as a purely humanitarian question rather than one with a political dimension. since the battle between the lebanese army and the militant islamist group moved from the streets of tripoli to nahr al-bared camp about this time last year, the media have mainly only reported on the military strife between the army and the islamist group. on the rare occasions the media have covered the situation of the camp's more than 30,000 Palestinian inhabitants who fled the camp during the fighting, they have done so with only a narrow focus on the humanitarian problems they face - ignoring the glaring political questions that only the camp residents seem to be left asking. (...) [read more]

video: "landscape of destruction"

2008-03-23T16:52:00.018+01:00

2008-03-23

[de] [es] [it]
the 3-month battle of nahr al-bared (north lebanon) in 2007 left tens of thousands of palestinian refugees homeless - once again. in winter, a few thousands of them where allowed to return to their destroyed refugee camp, where they've started to rebuild their homes.

this short video conveys impressions from inside nahr al-bared camp. it can be downloaded in good quality here (.mpeg/186mb) or here (.mov/48mb).
it can be watched here on youtube or below:

video: "taxi"

2007-11-26T13:11:00.003+01:00

2007-11-26

[de] [es] [it]
after almost 60 years in lebanon, palestinian refugees are still facing harsh conditions in their daily lives. they suffer from severe housing conditions in the refugee camps, poverty, racism and many forms of social, political and legal discrimination. in dozens of jobs, especially in those requiring special skills and higher education, palestinians are forbidden to work. one result of this discriminating policy is being treated in this short film: many well-educated refugees can't find jobs and therefore end up as taxi drivers, day laborers or shopkeepers.

this short film was produced in bourj ash-shamali refugee camp, near sour (south lebanon). bourj ash-shamali hosts 20,000 palestinian refugees, mostly from the north of palestine. thousands of its residents work in day labor, meaning: hard work, low wages, no job and therefore no income security.

the 10-minute film is a result of a video-workshop by a-films in october 2007. it can be downloaded here (.mov/129mb) and here (.mpeg/322mb) on archive as well as here (.mov/129mb) on indymedia.
it can be watched here on youtube or below:

video: "what future for the youth?"

2007-11-26T10:55:00.003+01:00

2007-11-26

[de] [it]
this short documentary is the result of a video-workshop in the south lebanese village of siddiqine. it was conceptualized, directed, filmed and edited by a group of four young people from the village, with a-films' support. the two-week video training aimed at enabling young people to represent their own views of political, social and economical issues in their community by using the tool of video-making.

emigration is a widely discussed topic not only in siddiqine, but all over lebanon. siddiqine was hit hard during the war in 2006 and more than half of the village was destroyed, which lead to further social and economic pressures resulting in a stronger desire amongst many residents to emigrate.

the 17-minute video consists of interviews, a group discussion and scenes from siddiqine's streets in the early morning and in the evening, symbolizing the change in movement and atmosphere. villagers voice their concerns, hopes and assessments regarding the situation both at home and abroad and speak about their wishes to engage the hardships they face by trying to go abroad. the film also reveals that the desire of emigration has multiple roots and causes.

the short film can be downloaded here (.mov/242mb) and here (.mpeg/583mb) as well as from indymedia (.mov/242mb).
it can be watched here (part 1) and here (part 2) on youtube or below:

part 1:

part 2:

video: "looting nahr al-bared"

2007-11-04T04:43:00.009+01:00

2007-11-04

[de] [es] [it] [fr] [jp]
in may 2007, nahr al-bared refugee camp in north lebanon, home to over 30,000 palestinian refugees, became the site of a 3-month battle between the lebanese army and the extremist group fatah al-islam.
during this time over 40 civilians, 167 soldiers and over 200 fatah al-islam fighters were killed. 30,000 refugees were displaced. from the official end of the battle, in early september, until the 10th of october the camp was under exclusive lebanese army control.

when parts of the new camp were re-opened and the first thousand families returned to nahr al-bared, they returned to houses that had been burnt, looted and vandalised. witnesses attest to what appears to be a systematic pattern of burning and looting. racist graffiti written in many homes in the camp is signed with the names of various lebanese army commando groups.

no military or independent investigation has been carried out until now, although amnesty international has written to the lebanese government, calling for an investigation to be initiated and those responsible to be held accountable.
journalists and human rights organisations are being denied entry to the camp.

this 10-minute clip deals with the looting and burning of nahr al-bared camp. it can be downloaded in good quality here (.mpeg/331mb) or here (.mov/136mb). alternatively, you can download them here (.mpeg) or here (.mov). also, it can be watched here on youtube or below:

video: "bourj ash-shamali camp, morning"

2007-11-01T15:00:00.003+01:00

2007-01-11

[de] [es] [it]
this 10-minute clip was recently produced by fadi suleiman and a-films in bourj ash-shamali refugee camp, south lebanon.

for technical reasons it's better to download and watch the full quality version here (.mov/110mb), here (.mpeg/334mb) or here (.mov/110mb). however, the film can also be watched on youtube:

video: "tragedy without borders"

2007-10-03T07:49:00.004+02:00

2007-10-03

[de] [it] [fr]
these days, a-films released a 20-minutes film produced by refugees from the destroyed nahr al-bared camp during a video-workshop in beddawi refugee camp near trablous, north lebanon. for two weeks, a-films has trained a group of refugees in filmmaking.

"tragedy without borders" focusses on the hard conditions that nahr al-bared refugees are facing in their temporary exile in beddawi camp. many of them experience a ramadan of hardship and sadness. living since four months in overcrowded schools, mosques and and in overpriced flats and garages, they tell about their daily life and their memories of their destroyed refugee camp. the refugees explain their perceptions of their future and their hopes of returning to the ruins of nahr al-bared.

full quality versions of the short film are here (.mov/261mb) and here (.mpeg/657mb) on archive and here (.mov/261mb) on indymedia available for download. the film can also be watched here in two parts [part 1] [part 2]:

part 1:

part 2:

video: "homeless in shatila"

2007-10-03T07:43:00.004+02:00

2007-10-03

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
these days, "a-films" produced and released a short video on palestinian refugees from the destroyed refugee camp of nahr al-bared who stranded in shatila camp, beirut. the war in nahr al-bared left tens of thousands of palestinians homeless. under fire and assuming they could soon return to the camp after their flight, most of them haven't taken any of their belongings with them.

until now, none of the refugees are allowed to return to the ruins of their camp. while beddawi camp near trablous, north lebanon, is hosting the majority of those who fled, thousands of people are scattered all over other palestinian refugee camps in lebanon.

full quality versions of the film are on indymedia (.mov/119mb) as well as here (.mov/119mb) and here (.mpeg/351mb) available for download. the film can also be watched on youtube:

video: "fire in balata camp"

2007-06-27T20:12:00.003+02:00

2007-06-27

on tuesday night (june 26th) israeli military vehicles stormed balata refugee camp near nablus, opened random fire and terrorized hundreds of residents who were out in the streets seeking relief after another scorching hot day in the west bank. terrified refugees fled to their houses for safety but israeli military vehicles sealed off streets and neighborhoods. some shops and offices were left open as their owners ran out in panic after the sudden invasion. blasting orders over loudspeakers, the army forced residents out their homes and made them take off their clothes. the troops fired randomly at buildings in the area and set a local restaurant on fire. no casualties were reported. the operation ended in the early hours of Wednesday morning lasting over seven hours. here´s a short clip produced by the research journalism initiative covering the invasion.

video: "balata camp incursion"

2007-05-25T19:58:00.004+02:00

2007-05-25

[de]
on may 24, the israeli occupation forces stormed balata refugee camp in nablus (palestine).

here's a short clip from this military operation produced by the research journalism initiative.

this short video can be downloaded in better quality here and here.

video: "kids used as human shields"

2007-04-11T23:53:00.003+02:00

2007-04-11

[de]
in a military operation taking place in balata refugee camp (nablus, occupied palestine), israeli occupation troops forced two youngsters to serve as human shields.

a filmmaker from the research journalism initiative, who is close to a-films, caught the scene and other shots of the military operation and home demolition on tape.

click here and here to download the clip in full quality.

video: "nightlife in balata camp"

2007-03-18T23:45:00.002+01:00

2007-03-18

for four consecutive nights, the israeli occupation forces have invaded balata refugee camp on the outskirts of nablus (palestine). they drove up and down the camp, threw percussion grenades and fired randomly at residents' homes.
this is not a new habit of the israely army, but something they've kept doing for many years already. it's important to note that this is not an exception, but normality in balata refugee camp.
this short clip was made by close friends of a-films, the research journalism initiative.

click here to download the clip in full quality.

video: "operation hot winter"

2007-02-25T19:32:00.002+01:00

2007-02-25

[de] [fr]
on february 25 2007, the israeli occupation forces invaded the west bank city of nablus with massive forces. the army focussed their operation especially on the yasmine and qariyon neighborhoods in the old city. during the four days that the assault lasted, tens of thousands of people were confined to their homes. the israeli military raided dozens of houses, detaining and arresting scores of people. it abused journalists and aid workers and even used palestinian civilians as "human shields". the occupation forces killed one person and injured dozens. this military operation was one of the biggest of its kind in the last two or three years that happened in nablus.
during the operation, activists from the research journalism initiative and from a-films kept producing short video reports on what happened on the ground. here you can watch our clips from day 1, day 2 and day 4 of the operation as well as an interview with a girl that was used as a human shield and the injured son of a shahid.

day 1

day 2

day 4

interview 1

interview 2

click here to download full quality versions of day 1, day 2, day 4, interview 1 and interview 2.

video: "the alley"

2007-02-11T17:55:00.002+01:00

2007-02-11

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
this film was made in balata refugee camp near nablus, palestine. it's supposed to provide the viewers with some impressions of the current economic situation people are suffering from.

the clip is the result of a collaboration of activists from the research journalism initiative and from a-films.

part 1

part 2

The film can here and here be downloaded in full length and better quality.

video: "ma´jeen operation"

2007-01-25T23:35:00.002+01:00

2007-01-25

[de]
on 25th of january 2007, the israeli occupation forces once more stormed nablus in an effort to arrest wanted residents. here's some footage of this assault.

video: "qisariyye operation"

2007-01-18T23:31:00.002+01:00

2007-01-18

[de]
on 18th of january 2007, the israeli occupation forces entered nablus with dozens of jeeps, surrounding a building in al-qisariyye area at the edge of the old city. one resistance fighter got shot dead in the operation, a 15-year old was shot in the eye.

video: "siddiqine's harvest"

2006-10-24T18:38:00.003+02:00

2006-10-24

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
this short movie is a result of an activist video workshop in the village of siddiqine, south lebanon.

in the course of the war, more than half the village got destroyed by the israeli army. but more than on the destruction, the film tries to show the implications the war had for the local tobacco agriculture. on one hand people couldn't harvest the tobacco leaves right in time so the plants dried out, on the other hand the contamination of south lebanon with cluster bombs stops people from reaching their fields.

part 1

part 2

the film can here and here be downloaded in full length and better quality.

video: "coucou"

2006-10-15T23:14:00.003+02:00

2006-10-15

this short film was made in a quick activist video workshop in bourj ash-shamali refugee camp (lebanon) a-films did in september 2006. the film's about coucou, a refugee boy who dropped out of school and works in one of the workshops at the edge of the camp. by using coucou as an example, the film tries to highlight some problems these refugees are facing in their daily lives.
the focus of the workshop was rather on technical issues than on this video. so this film was more of a by-product. however, we decided to put it up so people can watch it if they like.

video: "footage from the war against lebanon"

2006-09-15T23:20:00.002+02:00

2006-09-15

[de]

here's some of our raw footage from beirut and aita ash-shab, taken right after the war on lebanon in summer 2006.

video: "the oil spill"

2006-09-14T23:26:00.002+02:00

2006-09-14

[de]
this is a short video of the oil spill caused by the israeli army in lebanon in summer 2006. the footage was shot a few days after the war ended (or rested so far) in beirut and jbail (byblos).
in the early days of the war, the israeli air force bombed a power plant in jiyyeh, a coastal village about 30 km south of beirut. around 15'000 tons of oil spilled into the sea, polluting the whole lebanese coast up to the north and even part of the syrian coast. this catastrophe caused by the israeli state is damaging the lebanese environment and economy for a long term.

video: "palestinian refugees in lebanon"

2006-04-10T18:55:00.004+02:00

2006-04-10

[de] [es] [it] [fr]
ever since palestinian refugees have lived in lebanon, they have suffered from severe hardship. their economical, political and social situation until now is very bad. so are the camps, where many of them live. this short movie shows fragments of their situation and lets some of the refugees speak about their lives, experiences and hopes.

part 1

part 2

part 3

the film can here, here and here be downloaded in full length and better quality.

about a-films

2006-01-01T18:31:00.002+01:00

[de] [es] [it] [fr] [tr]
a-films is an autonomous anarchist film collective currently based in europe and the middle east. the collective does video workshops in different middle eastern countries, especially in palestinian refugee camps.

a-films can be contacted at a-films[at]riseup[dot]net.

balata film collective

2005-05-30T23:09:00.002+02:00

2007-05-30

in 2004 and 2005, a group of activists (among them a-films people) in balata refugee camp in nablus (palestine) formed a video collective to enable young palestinians from balata to break their isolation, challenge their oppression and and represent their lives to the world. workshops in independent media were held and about a dozen short clips were produced. so far some of these videos are available on the film group´s youtube account:

shadows of occupation
camp children prepare a shadow puppet theatre production as part of balatacamp.net activities. during the performance, the characters of their imagination move from the screen onto the streets of balata. here´s the short clip:

elections under occupation
palestinians from balata camp speak out about the elections for the palestinian authority on january 9th, 2005. the short clip includes interviews with representatives of various organisations, as well as people on the streets.
click here to watch the video.

election furore in balata camp
the balatacamp.net girl journalists hit the streets during voting to see what camp residents really think.
watch the clip here.

akoub - the challenge
the vegetable akoub plays an important role in both palestinian identity and cooking. this short clip describes how israeli checkpoints, settlements and military bases are making it an increasingly difficult and dangerous ingredient to gather. market vendors, vegetable dealers and palestinian grandmothers explain how even a simple vegetable has been forced to join the ranks of the resistance.
the akoub-film can be watched here.

palestinian embroidery under occupation
palestinian embroidery is a hidden form of resistance to israeli attempts at economic, social and political subjugation. women's embroidery is one of few means of economic independence, neither dependent on israeli contractors or its market. embroidery is also a powerful means of expressing identity and making a connection with the palestinian past prior to expulsion.
watch the short video here.

women in death castles
a high proportion of palestinian women prisoners in israeli occupation prisons are from the nablus region. in this film, recently released women from balata and nablus speak out about their pain and struggle while imprisoned. testimonies describe interrogation, physical and mental torture, loneliness. the video inccludes interviews with ex-prisoners, children of current prisoners and officials from the prisoners society.
click here to watch this film.

grass doesn´t grow in the camp
after 20 years in israeli prison, balata resident meqdad khatib is released. his newly-wed wife pregnant when he was arrested, meqdad had never seen his son mahmoud until he was also imprisoned. finally the family is to be reunited. however, mahmoud was killed by the israeli army in 2006.
the balatacamp.net girl journalist team go along to the checkpoint and meqdad's house to check things out. along the way they come across israeli jeeps, praise-singing grandmothers and fields of green grass.
this joyful video can be watched here.

memories of the nakbe
rarely seen archival photographs alongside palestinian survivors remembering the 1948 'nakbe' (catastrophe), describing the expulsion from their land on which the suburbs of tel aviv have since been built and their subsequent struggles as refugees. memories include the terror immediately prior to fleeing, the slow realisation that they would not be returning home soon, the struggle to rebuild their lives in cramped refugee camps, and the increased resistance that grew once the Israeli military pursued them to the refugee camps.
click here to watch this clip.

birds of revolution besieged in balata camp
the schoolchildren of balata camp face up to israeli military force. as jeeps attempt to invade and enforce curfew, the children make clear that they won't submit.
here is the short film.

children of the stones
the children of palestine lead a childhood of oppression, struggle and isolation. faced with daily israeli military invasions, the short moments of relative quiet and safety take on unexpected importance and beauty. children of the stones opens up a snapshot of the daily lives of palestinian children.
this short video can be watched here.

for more information and videos from the balata film collective as well as for other ressources from the balata camp community projects, check out its webpage.

report: "Rapping Against Walls"

2001-05-14T17:00:00.004+02:00

2011-05-14

[de]
In the West Bank, dissident voices questioning the Palestinian Authority's increasingly authoritarian rule have become rare. But a young musician in Ramallah refuses to hold his tongue.

Old houses are torn down in Ramallah by bulldozers to make way for fancy restaurants, shopping malls, office buildings and apartment blocks. The Palestinian Authority's headquarters are being rebuilt, too. The compound looks like a fortress. Nearby, the 28-level Palestine Trade Tower is nearing completion. Soon it will host luxury offices, a high-end hotel and a cinema.

Six or seven years ago, when most West Bank cities were still up in arms against Israeli occupation, Ramallah had already been pacified. Fancy cars and trendy boutiques conquered its downtown area. In one of the new restaurants sits a young Palestinian music composer going by the name 'Boikutt'.

"It's very confusing to live in Ramallah," says the 25-years old. "It's like a bubble." He feels that people are living in the illusion of being free, even though Ramallah is still an occupied town surrounded by checkpoints and the separation wall. "When you drive just 10 minutes in any direction you'll realise you're in a prison," Boikutt says.
The waitress has come over to ask for orders. In English. Boikutt answers in Arabic. However she, a Palestinian woman in her twenties, insists on speaking English. As she walks away, Boikutt meaningfully raises his eyebrows. "Ramallah has become very different and separated from other Palestinian cities." The restaurant next door doesn't even serve Arabic coffee any more.

Israeli tanks occupying the streets of Ramallah in 2002, threatening to shoot at anyone who'd walk in the street, pushed Boikutt to compose his first track called 'Under Curfew’. In 2003, Boikutt, his brother 'Aswatt' and 'Stormtrap' established the music collective 'Ramallah Underground'. The group's experimental approach resulted in a distinct musical outcome, combining trip-hop, hip-hop, downtempo and traditional Arabic music.

Most of their initial tracks dealt with life under Israeli occupation. As Israeli army presence inside Ramallah decreased, the Palestinian Authority (PA) emerged as a new target of their rhymes. In the artists' opinion, one oppressor had just replaced another: "They robbed us / Took away our land, our country / Defeated / Turning on us / They convinced us / Trained to defend Israel from us / We're being controlled / Soldiers everywhere / But tell me who is this all for?"

Boikutt says he has been being imprisoned twice: "There's the Israeli Apartheid wall, resulting in an open-air prison. And then there's the rule of the PA and its police forces that are placed at every corner of Ramallah. They're constantly controlling us, even though we're just roaming within our own prison."

While as in several Arab countries regimes were toppled by popular uprisings, the PA has so far successfully suffocated anything similar in the West Bank. The Authority's repression of dissident voices and political opponents has led to an atmosphere where "people know where the limits are," says Boikutt.

The so-called March 15 movement which pushed for ending the division between Hamas and Fatah indicated, though, that many young Palestinians are fed up with the ruling political class. "The PA has allowed the protests to happen as long as they were under control," Boikutt says. "That's the maximum to where you can go."

The young musician considers it a shame that most Palestinian artists are voicing criticism only very softly. In contrast, Ramallah Underground's rhymes are quite explicit: "Civil riots, because the cops are pissing me off / As if the Apartheid wall isn't enough / Now they put a virus into my country."

Boikutt is asking people to start some kind of a third Intifada. "Its goal would be to disrupt the colonial machine and all of its pieces." Indeed, many Palestinians consider the current security coordination between Israel, the U.S. and the PA a form of collaboration with the enemy. As cables published by WikiLeaks have shown, the PA has been eager to "keep the coordination out of the public eye." So far, the PA has succeeded in keeping the security situation calm, thereby protecting Israel's interests.

"Maybe the only way to actually reach the coloniser is to get rid of the one who's holding you back," Boikutt says. In the track 'Prison within a Prison', Stormtrap raps: "While leaders masturbate for one another / Settlements multiply, grow, and expand! / Want to solve the problem? / Dismantle our government! / Maybe then we can start something."
Ramallah Underground spread its work mostly through the Internet. "Considering the isolated geographical position of Ramallah, it's been very important," Boikutt says. Even though he raps in Arabic, reaching the domestic audience is difficult. Due to Israeli restrictions, staging a concert in nearby Jerusalem for example is impossible. "Performing in Europe is much easier," he points out.

In 2009, Ramallah Underground split up. Besides doing solo performances, Boikutt started a new project along with Basel Abbas and Ruanne Abou-Rahme, two installation-based artists working with sound and video. Their project is called 'Tashweesh', which means interference. The group's name is its programme.

Tashweesh focusses on live performances. Boikutt admits that performing in public spaces or streets is quite difficult. "Ramallah is being destroyed by urban development. Public spaces have become rare," he says. Performing in commercial places is unavoidable. Boikutt regrets that there, mostly members of the local elite attend, while by-passers or those who don't belong to the scene, don't.

One his greatest performances was when he performed in a parking lot and people spontaneously joined in, the rapper tells. "You know, they didn't come to be entertained, but because they were actually interested in what they were hearing."

Having his dissident voice being heard isn't easy nowadays. For many Palestinians, materialist desires have become more important than the political struggle for liberation. In one of his recent tracks, Boikutt raps: "Let them wait for foreign aid until they die / Drive around with their expensive cars / Inside the Apartheid wall, until they enter into mazes." The rhyme ends with the sound of a car crashing.

This report was written by Ray Smith and was published here by IPS Inter Press Service.

bericht: "Gegen Mauern rappen"

2001-05-14T16:59:00.002+02:00

2011-05-14

[en]
In der West Bank gibt es nicht mehr viele Stimmen welche die zunehmend autoritäre Herrschaft der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde offen hinterfragen. Ein junger Musiker in Ramallah weigert sich aber standhaft, sein Maul zu halten.

In Ramallah reissen Bulldozer alte Häuser ab, um Raum zu schaffen für schicke Restaurants, Einkaufszentren, Bürokomplexe und Apartment-Blöcke. Der Sitz der Autonomiebehörde wird gerade renoviert – die Anlage gleicht einer Festung. In der Nähe ist der Bau des 28-stöckige Palestinian Trade Tower beinahe fertig gestellt. Luxusbüros, ein teures Hotel und ein Kino werden einst darin unterbracht.

Vor sechs oder sieben Jahren, als die meisten Städte im Westjordanland noch gegen die israelische Besatzung ankämpften, war Ramallah bereits befriedet. Schicke Autos und trendige Boutiquen eroberten das Stadtzentrum. In einem der neuen Restaurants sitzt ein junger palästinensischer Musiker, der unter dem Künstlernamen 'Boikutt' bekannt ist.

„Es ist ziemlich verwirrend, in Ramallah zu leben,“ sagt der 25-Jährige. „Es ist eine Art Blase.“ Er habe den Eindruck, dass die Menschen in der Illusion lebten frei zu sein, obwohl Ramallah nach wie vor eine besetzte und von zahlreichen Checkpoints und der Mauer umzingelte Stadt sei. „Fahr mal 10 Minuten in irgend eine Richtung und du wirst feststellen, dass du in einem Gefängnis lebst,“ sagt Boikutt.
Mittlerweile ist die Kellnerin gekommen und fragt nach den Bestellungen. Auf Englisch. Boikutt antwortet auf Arabisch. Sie hingegen, eine Palästinenserin in den Zwanzigern, hält unweigerlich am Englischen fest. Als sie weg läuft zieht Boikutt bedeutungsvoll seine Augenbrauen hoch. „Ramallah unterscheidet sich immer mehr von anderen palästinensischen Städten.“ Das Restaurant gegenüber bietet mittlerweile nicht einmal mehr arabischen Kaffee an.

Israelische Panzer, welche 2002 durch Ramallahs Strassen rollten und Ausgangssperren mit Waffengewalt durchsetzten bewegten Boikutt dazu, einen ersten Track namens 'Ausgangssperre' zu produzieren. 2003 gründete er zusammen mit seinem Bruder 'Aswatt' und dem befreundeten MC Stormtrap das Musikkollektiv 'Ramallah Underground'. Der experimentelle Ansatz der Gruppe resultierte in einzigartigem Sound, welcher Trip-Hop, Hip-Hop, Downtempo und traditionelle arabische Musik verband.

Die ersten Musikstücke setzten sich primär mit dem Leben unter israelischer Besatzung auseinander. Nachdem die israelische Armee sich aus Ramallah weitgehend zurückgezogen hatte, wurde die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde (PA) zur neuen Zielscheibe der jungen Musiker. In deren Meinung hatte nämlich bloss der eine Unterdrücker den anderen ersetzt: „Sie raubten uns aus / Nahmen unser Land weg / Wir waren geschlagen / Sie wendeten sich uns zu / Sie überredeten uns / Sie wurden trainiert um Israel vor uns zu verteidigen / Wir werden überwacht / Soldaten überall / Aber sag': Wem dient all dies?“

Boikutt fühlt sich doppelt eingesperrt: „Da ist einerseits die israelische Apartheid-Mauer, welche ein Freiluftgefängnis konstituiert. Und andererseits ist es die Herrschaft der PA und ihrer Polizeikräfte, welche an jeder Ecke von Ramallah stationiert sind. Sie kontrollieren uns ständig, obschon wir uns bloss innerhalb unseres Gefängnisses umher bewegen.

Während in mehreren arabischen Ländern autoritäre Regimes nach Volksaufständen stürzten, ist es der PA bislang gelungen, ähnliche Bestrebungen in der West Bank im Keim zu ersticken. Die Repression oppositioneller Stimmen hat zu einer Atmosphäre geführt, in der „die Menschen wissen, wo die Grenzen sind,“ sagt Boikutt.

Die sogenannte 'Bewegung vom 15. März', welche ein Ende der Spaltung zwischen Hamas und Fatah verlangte, zeigte deutlich, dass viele junge Palästinenser die Nase voll haben von der herrschenden politischen Elite. „Die PA hat die Proteste zugelassen, solange sie ihrer Kontrolle nicht entglitten,“ sagt Boikutt. „Das ist das Maximum. Weiter kann man nicht gehen.“

Der junge Musiker findet es schändlich, dass die meisten palästinensischen KünstlerInnen allfällige Kritik bloss in sanfte Worte fassen. Im Gegensatz dazu sind die Reime von Ramallah Underground äusserst explizit. „Strassenschlachten, weil die Polizei mich nervt / Als wäre die Apartheid-Mauer nicht genug / Nun haben sie auch noch diesen Virus in mein Land eingeschleust.“

Boikutt fordert die Menschen auf, eine Art dritte Intifada zu beginnen. „Ziel des Aufstands wäre es, die koloniale Maschine und all ihre Einzelteile zu sabotieren.“ In der Tat betrachten viele PalästinenserInnnen die gegenwärtige Koordination zwischen Israel, den USA und der PA in Sicherheitsbelangen als eine Art von Kollaboration mit dem Feind. Wie von WikiLeaks enthüllte Dokumente gezeigt haben, war die PA stets darauf erpicht, „die Koordination fern der Öffentlichkeit zu halten.“ Bislang ist es der PA gelungen, eine ruhige Sicherheitslage herzustellen und zu bewahren und dadurch die Interessen Israels zu schützen.

„Vielleicht der einzige Weg um an die Kolonialmacht zu gelangen, ist sich desjenigen zu erledigen, der einen davon abzuhalten versucht,“ sagt Boikutt. Im Track 'Gefängnis im Gefängnis' rappt Stormtrap: „Während sich die Führer gegenseitig masturbieren, wachsen die Siedlungen und breiten sich aus / Willst du das Problem lösen? / Demontiere unsere Regierung! / Dann können wir vielleicht etwas Neues beginnen.“
Ramallah Underground verbreitete seine Musik vor allem über das Internet. „Angesichts unserer geographisch isolierten Position in Ramallah war es enorm wichtig,“ betont Boikutt. Obwohl er auf Arabisch rappt, ist es nicht einfach, die einheimische Zuhörerschaft zu erreichen. Aufgrund der israelischen Restriktionen ist es unmöglich, etwa im nahen Jerusalem ein Konzert zu veranstalten. „In Europa aufzutreten ist viel einfacher,“ sagt Boikutt.

2009 löste sich Ramallah Underground auf. Neben Soloauftritten begann Boikutt mit Basel Abbas und Ruanne Abou-Rahme, zwei anderen KünstlerInnen, welche vor allem Sound- und Videoinstallationen machen, an einem neuen Projekt zu arbeiten. Dessen Name 'Tashweesh' bedeutet Einmischung. Der Name ist zugleich Programm des Kollektivs.

Tashweesh fokussiert auf Liveauftritte. Boikutt weist darauf hin, dass Performances auf öffentlichen Plätzen oder Strassen äusserst schwierig zu bewerkstelligen seien. „Ramallah wird durch Stadtentwicklung zerstört. Öffentlicher Raum ist zur Mangelware geworden,“ klagt er. Auftritte an kommerziellen Orten sind dadurch unvermeidbar. Boikutt bedauert, dass dort vor allem Publikum aus der lokalen Oberschicht kommt, während zufällige Passanten und Leute, die nicht zur Szene gehören, nicht auftauchen.

Einer seiner besten Auftritte sei gewesen, als er einst auf einem Parkplatz auftraten und Menschen spontan hinzu kamen, sagt der Rapper. „Weisst du, die kamen nicht um unterhalten zu werden, sondern weil das was sie hörten sie interessierte.“

Es ist alles andere als einfach für Boikutt, gehört zu werden. Für viele PalästinenserInnen sind materielle Bedürfnisse weit wichtiger geworden als der politische Befreiungskampf. In einem seiner letzten Tracks rappt Boikutt: „Lass sie auf Hilfe aus dem Ausland warten bis sie sterben / Lass sie mit ihren teuren Autos herum fahren / Innerhalb der Apartheid-Mauer, bis sie in Labyrinthe hinein fahren.“ Der Reim endet mit dem krachenden Ton eines Autounfalls.

Dieser Bericht wurde von Ray Smith verfasst. Die englische Originalversion des Beitrags wurde hier von IPS Inter Press Service veröffentlicht.

bericht: "gegen mauern rappen"

2001-05-14T16:59:00.001+02:00

2011-05-14

[en]
in der west bank gibt es nicht mehr viele stimmen welche die zunehmend autoritäre herrschaft der palästinensischen autonomiebehörde offen hinterfragen. ein junger musiker in ramallah weigert sich aber standhaft, sein maul zu halten. (...) [weiterlesen]

interview: "The Neoliberal Consensus in Palestine"

2001-04-25T23:00:00.002+02:00

2011-04-26

[it] [fr]
Earlier this month, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process (UNSCO) each published reports backing the Palestinian Authority statehood program. They claim that from an institutional point of view, the PA is ready for the establishment of a state in the near future.

In August 2009, the PA published a strategy paper [PDF] called “Ending the Occupation, Establishing the State.” The Palestinian statehood program states that the establishment of a Palestinian state within two years “is not only possible, it is essential.” The PA stresses the building of “strong state institutions capable of providing for the needs of our citizens, despite the occupation.” As concerns the economic system, “Palestine shall be based on the principles of a free market economy,” the program states.
Recently, Palestinian economists Raja Khalidi and Sobhi Samour published a highly critical article on the PA’s neoliberal policies in the Journal of Palestine Studies entitled “Neoliberalism as Liberation: The Statehood Program and the Remaking of the Palestinian National Movement.” Khalidi and Samour argue that the statehood program “cannot succeed either as a midwife of independence or as a strategy for Palestinian economic development.” They claim that the PA is offering the Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank “a program predicated upon delivering growth and prosperity without any strategy for resistance or challenge to the parameters of occupation.”

The Electronic Intifada contributor Ray Smith interviewed Raja Khalidi, a senior economist with the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), about the PA’s economic policies and its implications for statehood. The views expressed in this interview do not represent those of the UN secretariat.
Ray Smith: How do you feel about the unanimous praise from those leading international institutions?

Raja Khalidi: Such reports don’t make me especially happy, and I do have concerns about their veracity. There’s a big contrast between those statements and the political reality on the ground and there are several problems with these assessments. They claim that the PA is now above the “threshold” for establishing a functioning state, that it has met these institutions’ various criteria for statehood eligibility. There’s a general problem in this sort of generic template approach to evaluating complex governance issues, wherever they might be. In the Palestinian case the real problem is that such criteria and arbitrary thresholds are irrelevant to the reality and to the big elephant in the room of Palestinian governance, namely the Israeli occupation.
So today, what actually matters is: what happens in September when all that changes, when at best the formal diplomatic status becomes the “State of Palestine”? What’s going to make this virtual state turn into a real state? Nobody seems to be addressing that. All the talk is about polishing this virtual state, reforming and fixing it, adding services here, privatizing there, saving money here and cutting budgets there. It’s like the manner in which donors and international institutions approach the performance of a normal middle-income country. The PA seems to assume that by the will of the people, the citizens who proved themselves being capable of respecting traffic signals, paying electricity bills and not carrying guns in public, statehood will “impose itself.” Somehow statehood “just arrives” in September because technically everything is ready.

RS: According to recent reports, Palestine seems to be doing quite well in economic terms. Is it?

RK: Well, we’re certainly witnessing an “economic bubble.” We saw this before in the 1980s and the 1990s, but the bubbles eventually burst or were crushed by Israeli tanks. Economic growth of 9 percent in 2010 was largely fueled by donors, aid and private investment recovery in the West Bank, as well as the booming illicit tunnel economy in Gaza. It’s no secret that “growth” is mainly taking place in Areas A and B, and not in Area C, the south of the West Bank and the Jordan valley, while Gaza and Jerusalem anyway are effectively excluded from the growth map. So it’s about half of the Palestinian people under occupation who are actually enjoying the economic recovery. [Editorial note: Under the Oslo accords, the occupied West Bank is split into three zones: Areas A, B and C. The PA has security control over Area A, and shares control with Israel over B. Area C, which accounts for 60 percent of the West Bank, is under Israeli control.]
The focus on reaching the threshold for statehood wasn’t a total waste of time. It certainly helped to organize, if nothing else, the image of a functioning state. All at the risk though that the PA will satisfy itself with the image of a functioning state and “citizens” will acquiesce in what appears a normal life. Welcome to Palestinian “economic peace!” Palestinians basically have to settle for that and dress it up as much as possible for an indefinite future without any scope for real economic policy-making that goes beyond service delivery and helps to create the conditions for ending occupation, rather than for coexisting with it. So, as a development economist, I’m instinctively wary of bubbles such as this, especially taking into account the specific historic trends and structural changes that preclude such growth from being developmental.

RS: Do you have any other concerns?

RK: Yes indeed, my second point is: There’s an assumption that things are so much better institutionally than they were in 2000 or 2005. Had these institutions been in place back then, what would have prevented the state from being functional? If you recall Oslo, the state was supposed to be established by the end of the 1990s. Five years were considered to be enough. It was assumed that whatever was in place could be turned into a state in one way or the other. Of course, today public finance transparency is improved, but ultimately the control of finance is still in the hands of one person, as it was under the supposedly corrupt [late Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman] Yasser Arafat. The main public institutions certainly function. They provide their services. But they were doing that before, too! It’s not as if they weren’t delivering services ten or five years ago or that what was preventing the state from being established was such a weakness.
According to the whole institutional reform scorecard that the PA and the donors are keeping, by such criteria, it’s only now that the Palestinian right of national self-determination may be addressed, since the Palestinians have now shown that they can govern themselves. So, does mean that the reason they haven’t been able to do so ever since 1988, when they first declared their independent state in accordance with UN resolutions, was because of their own institutional failings, which took the past twenty years to address? This is an unhelpful diversion from the real focus that is required for effective state-building and managing economic development of a war-torn economy.
My third concern is about the sort of economy that’s being established. Let’s assume that by September there’s a Palestinian state running and Israel withdraws. What sort of economy are they thinking about? They’re talking about a very open trade system, perpetuation of the Paris Protocol framework and so-called “customs union,” compliance with World Trade Organization standards, no autonomous monetary or macroeconomic policy, fiscal responsibility, etc. But you don’t need an UNCTAD economist to tell you that this is the wrong approach for such a situation.

RS: According to the latest figures, manufacturing output has declined. What are the implications of this trend for the future of the Palestinian economy?

RK: We at UNCTAD have estimated that about one third of the productive capacity that existed prior to the second intifada was lost. Certainly industry has to be invested in as part of strengthening the components of domestic demand. I don’t see any of that happening in Palestine, except anecdotally in certain niche sectors. Why not? How do you come out of a conflict with a war-torn economy wanting your state to stand on its own feet, if it has not domestic industrial productive capacity? All these reports show that there’s hardly been any change in the high unemployment and poverty rates. So, propagating export-led growth and development is simply wrong. It has not worked in the Palestinian context and it only worked for others in very different stages of development. It may come later, but definitely not now. Also, if in September we’re going to have something like a Palestinian state, its access to markets will totally remain in the hands of Israel. So, what sort of export-led growth are we talking about? All the recent experiences of neoliberal market fundamentalism around the world and many experiences of export-led growth strategies in similarly weak economies in Africa, not to mention North Africa, have evidently failed, and in the latter they’ve done so spectacularly! Yet, the PA is making plans for such an economy. There’s a saying that fits the case perfectly: “They are going to the Hajj when all the pilgrims are coming back.”

RS: What are the key pillars of the PA’s neoliberal agenda?

RK: In the West Bank at least, neoliberalism has permeated pretty much every area of economic policy and social life. Of all the options available in its fiscal, trade, monetary, labor, industrial or foreign investment attraction policy, the PA chose the neoliberal path, for example pursuing full integration with the Israeli economy or liberalizing our trade regime to the maximum. Export-led development, as I’ve mentioned before, is said to be the only optimal policy for developing countries and integration with the more advanced Israeli economy the best option. There’s an assumption that such a development strategy will allow integration with the long-term trend of the Israeli economy whereby the statistics brutally show that income divergence is the only sure trend in Palestinian-Israeli economic relations for forty years.
Indeed, if we look at the Arab economy in Israel since 1948, basically the relation of Palestinian economic resources to Israeli capital and development prerequisites is the same. Furthermore there is this all pervasive discourse about the need for the Palestinian state to enable “private sector led growth.” This is a bit of a canard since the Palestinian public sector is non-existent as an economic agent and nowadays, there’s hardly anything left to privatize. Yet ordinary people suffer from privatization.
Let’s take electricity distribution as an example. Go to the Jordan Valley or to the south of the West Bank at night and you’ll see hillsides of villages using candle light. Prepaid electricity meters were forcibly introduced as part of the PA budget pruning exercises in line with Washington consensus provisions, but of course many poor people can’t pay and the usual “social safety nets” are simply neglected.
In my opinion the blind adoption of such a policy agenda is one of the PA’s most grievous mistakes; indeed, it is inimical to development and liberation, the two things the Palestinian people need above all. What does the Palestinian economy need? It needs to be rebuilt. The productive capacity needs to be reconstituted deliberately and investment accordingly directed. Sustainable revival can’t simply be market-led. Decisions have to be made: What sort of industry do we want? What sort of agriculture? What about food security? What about natural resources: the natural gas fields, the Dead Sea resources, water? Where is the policy and what are the institutions of the sovereign independent Palestinian state to deal with these strategic aspects of national economic security?

RS: When did the neoliberal turn begun?

RK: It’s going back to the 1990s, to the Madrid Peace Conference, the Oslo peace process, globalization and the incremental involvement of the international financial institutions in Palestine. Particularly the World Bank and increasingly the IMF have left their traces in the policy-making elites’ way of thinking. And of course Prime Minister [Salam] Fayyad’s own background matters: he comes from the IMF, while the CEO of the Palestinian Investment Fund, Muhamad Mustafa, was bred in the World Bank next door. I don’t blame them since they really can only think of these issues in that same frame of reference. But it’s surprising however that there’s so little alternative economic thinking coming out of Palestine. On everything else, in terms of activism, human rights, civil society engagement, etc., there’s intellectual thinking and Palestine remains a vibrant avant garde. So why is it that only a few people question the PA’s neoliberal approach? That’s why Sobhi Samour and I wrote that article in the Journal of Palestine Studies. Things are so obvious, but nobody says anything about it and we felt that it needed to be said, in this case by two Palestinian economists.

RS: How do force, consent and persuasion work in the Palestinian context?

RK: The emphasis on the Palestinian reform, institutional building, development expenditures and showcasing has provided the security component, especially the successful partnering with US military trainers and the Israeli army in securing a “calm” in the West Bank since 2007, presumably bringing down the military burden and cost of occupation in the process. Also, after all these years of unsuccessful struggle, modernization, transition to some kind of normalcy, peace and normal life is very appealing and persuasive, while PA jobs sustain a hard core of at least a third of the employed — that’s quite a constituency for persuasion!
Consent goes further than that in the sense that there are elites who were waiting for this kind of situation. In the West Bank there are plenty of building contractors, luxury service providers, property developers and speculators who are currently making good money, while in Gaza a new elite of several hundred entrepreneurs and rent seekers has arisen through the illicit tunnel economy. I think all of these are important supporters of the current “consensus.”

RS: Does the division between Fatah and Hamas contribute to this?

RK: With regard to the West Bank, the division certainly has been a facilitating factor. With Hamas involved in policy-making, this agenda would have faced a lot more resistance, as the resulting poverty and unemployment would have caused unrest and political pressure among Hamas’ constituency. However, there’s currently a lot going on in the region, as people reject authoritarian rule. As much as these revolutions were political, they’ve been socioeconomic ones, too. This wave will hit Palestine in one way or the other regardless of the dilemma of what to do with the occupation.

RS: What about the Palestinian 15 March movement that seeks to end the division?

RK: The younger generation doesn’t trust anybody, I think. The 15 March movement, even though it’s quite small, indicates that many youth have lost respect for Hamas, Fatah or the PA under Fayyad. It’s a generational issue, too. Among the middle class, there’s of course some dependency. Also, there’s a very powerful entrepreneurial capitalist class. It’s the people involved in these big development projects like the industrial estates, model cities and gated communities or gas projects. This class has certainly flourished under this PA, but even before they’ve done quite well. These people have a big stake in keeping the whole thing working. I haven’t seen much of major long-term investment projects though. Basically it’s residential construction. The level of construction and its share in the gross domestic product has traditionally been high in Palestine, even in the 1980s. But it just takes one Israeli tank in Ramallah to bring all these billboards, glass fronts and traffic signs down. Just one tank and it’s finished. Let’s hope that it doesn’t end like that.

This interview was done by Ray Smith and was published here by Electronic Intifada.

intervista: "Il consenso neoliberale in Palestina"

2001-04-25T22:57:00.001+02:00

2011-04-26

[en] [fr]
La Banca Mondiale, il FMI e il Coordinatore Speciale ONU per il processo di pace in Medio Oriente (UNSCO) hanno pubblicato propri comunicati in appoggio al programma statuale dell’Autorità Palestinese. Affermano che da un punto di vista istituzionale l’ANP è pronta per l’istituzione di uno stato nel prossimo futuro.

Nell’Agosto 2009, l’ANP pubblicò un documento strategico [PDF] intitolato “Porre fine all’occupazione, istituire lo Stato”. Tale programma asseriva che l’istituzione di uno stato Palestinese nei due anni successivi “non solo è possibile, ma è essenziale”. L’ANP sottolinea la costruzione di un “forti istituzioni statuali che possano provvedere alle necessità dei cittadini, nonostante l’occupazione”. Riguardo al sistema economico “la Palestina sarà basata sui principi di una economia di libero mercato”, sostiene il programma.

Di recente, gli economisti palestinesi Raja Khalidi e Sobhi Samour hanno pubblicato un articolo fortemente critico sulle politiche neoliberali dell’ANP sul Journal of Palesatine Studies, intitolato “ Il neoliberalismo come liberazione: il programma statuale e il rimodellamento del movimento nazionale palestinese”.

Khalidi e Samour affermano che il programma statuale “non può avere successo né come levatrice dell’indipendenza né come strategia per lo sviluppo economico palestinese”. Questo perché l’ANP offre ai palestinesi della West Bank occupata “ un programma concepito sulla crescita e la prosperità senza alcuna strategia di resistenza o sfida ai parametri dell’occupazione”.

Ray Smith, collaboratore di Electronic Intifada , ha intervistato Raja Khalidi, economista all’UNCTAD, a proposito delle politiche economiche dell’ANP e delle loro implicazioni per lo stato. Le opinioni di questa intervista non rispecchiano quelle del segretariato ONU.
Ray Smith: Cosa pensi dell’apprezzamento unanime di queste istituzioni internazionali?

Raja Khalidi: Mi piacciono poco, e dubito che siano vere. C’è un abisso tra queste dichiarazioni e la realtà politica in campo, e anche le dichiarazioni pongono molti problemi. Affermano che l’ANP è oggi oltre la “soglia” necessaria a uno stato funzionante, e che ha soddisfatto i loro diversi criteri per una entità statuale. Questo approccio generico alla valutazione di questioni di governo complesse, dovunque collocate, pone un problema generale. Nel caso palestinese, il vero problema è che tali criteri e soglie arbitrarie sono ininfluenti sulla realtà , e sull’elefante nella cristalleria del governo palestinese, l’occupazione israeliana.
Quindi oggi, ciò che conta davvero è: che succederà a Settembre, quando tutto cambierà, quando ben che vada lo status diplomatico formale diverrà lo “Stato di Palestina”? In che modo questo stato virtuale diverrà reale? Nessuno sembra pensarci. Si parla solo di lucidare questo stato virtuale, riformandolo e aggiustandolo, qui aggiungendo un servizio, lì privatizzando, risparmiando qui e tagliando bilanci là. Somiglia al modo col quale donatori e istituzioni internazionali affrontano la performance di un normale paese a reddito medio. L’ANP sembra dare per scontato che per volontà del popolo, dei cittadini che si sono dimostrati capaci di rispettare la segnaletica stradale, pagare le bollette della luce, e non portare armi in pubblico, l’entità statale si “imporrà”. In Settembre in qualche modo lo Stato “arriva” perché tecnicamente tutto è pronto.

RS: Secondo recenti rapporti, la Palestina se la cava piuttosto bene n economia. E’ così?

RK: Vediamo una “bolla” economica. Ne abbiamo già viste negli anni’80 e ’90, ma sono scoppiate, o sono finite sotto i tanks di Israele. Il 9% di crescita del 2010 è stato in gran parte alimentato da donatori, aiuti e investimenti privati nella West Bank, e il boom del contrabbando dai tunnel di Gaza. E’ evidente che la “crescita” avviene nelle zone A e B, e non nella C, il sud della West Bank e la valle del Giordano, mentre Gaza e Gerusalemme sono comunque escluse da essa. Quindi solo circa la metà della popolazione palestinese sotto occupazione gode della crescita.
L’attenzione al raggiungimento della soglia non è stata del tutto una perdita di tempo. Almeno si è creata l’immagine di uno stato funzionante. Si rischia però che l’ANP sia soddisfatta dall’immagine e che i “cittadini”si adagino in una vita apparentemente normale. Benvenuti nella “pace economica” palestinese! Che si accontentino di questo, e si preparino meglio possibile ad un futuro indefinito senza ambizioni di una vera politica economica che vada oltre l’erogazione di servizi, e aiuti a creare le condizioni per porre fine all’occupazione, piuttosto che coesistere con essa. Per questo, da economista dello sviluppo, diffido istintivamente di queste bolle, tenendo conto delle specifiche tendenze storiche, e dei cambiamenti strutturali che impediscono a questa crescita di divenire motore di sviluppo.

RS: Altri problemi?

RK: Senz’altro: si dà per scontato che istituzionalmente le cose vadano assai meglio che nel 2000 o nel 2005. Se queste istituzioni ci fossero state all’epoca, perché lo stato non avrebbe dovuto funzionare? Se ricordate Oslo, lo stato avrebbe dovuto essere istituito alla fine degli anni ’90. Si pensava che bastassero cinque anni. Si assumeva che qualunque cosa ci fosse, potesse essere in un modo o nell’altro trasformata in stato. Ovviamente, la trasparenza della finanza pubblica oggi è migliorata, ma in ultima analisi il controllo della finanza è ancora nelle mani di una persona, come era sotto l’ex Presidente dell’OLP, Yasser Arafat, che dicevano corrotto. Le principali istituzioni certamente funzionano, erogando servizi, ma lo facevano anche prima! Non è questo che ha impedito cinque o dieci anni fa l’istituzione di uno stato.
Secondo il programma dell’ANP e dei donatori, solo ora il diritto dei palestinesi alla autodeterminazione nazionale può essere considerato, perché ora i palestinesi hanno dimostrato di potersi governare da soli. Quanto a dire che il motivo per cui non hanno potuto farlo dal 1988, quando dichiararono il loro stato indipendente secondo la risoluzione dell’ONU era la loro inadeguatezza istituzionale, e ci sono voluti venti anni per rimediare? E’ una bugia dannosa, che trascura il vero punto di una effettiva costruzione statuale e gestione di uno sviluppo economico in una economia devastata dalla guerra.
Un altro problema è il tipo di economia che si vuole stabilire. Supponiamo cha a Settembre Israele si ritiri e vi sia un vero stato palestinese. Che tipo di economia hanno in mente? Parlano di un sistema commerciale apertissimo, in ossequio al Protocollo di Parigi, una cosiddetta “unione doganale”, adeguamento agli standards del WTO, nessuna politica monetaria, macroeconomica o fiscale autonoma, etc. Non c’è bisogno di un economista dell’UNCTAD per vedere un approccio sbagliato alla situazione.

RS: Secondo le ultime cifre, il prodotto manifatturiero è diminuito. Che significa questo per il futuro dell’economia palestinese?

RK: Noi dell’UNCTAD abbiamo stimato che un terzo della capacità produttiva di prima della seconda intifada sia stato perso. Occorrono investimenti nell’industria per rafforzare la domanda interna, ma nulla del genere accade in Palestina, salvo marginalmente in settori di nicchia. Perché? Come si fa ad uscire da un conflitto che sconvolge l’economia, con uno stato che sta in piedi da solo, se non ha una capacità produttiva industriale interna? Tutti gli studi evidenziano che i livelli di povertà e disoccupazione non sono cambiati. Quindi è semplicemente sbagliato promuovere una crescita e uno sviluppo basati sulle esportazioni. Non ha mai funzionato nel contesto palestinese, e poco in altri in fasi di sviluppo molto diverse. Potrà accadere dopo, certamente non ora. Peraltro, se a Settembre dovessimo avere qualcosa di simile ad uno stato palestinese, il suo accesso ai mercati resterebbe totalmente in meno israeliana. Quindi, di che esportazione parliamo? Tutte le recenti esperienze di fondamentalismo di mercato neoliberale nel mondo, e molte esperienze di crescita basata sulle esportazioni in economie deboli in Africa sono fallite, per non parlare del Nord Africa dove sono fallite in modo spettacolare! Comunque, l’ANP pianifica ciò. Un proverbio lo sintetizza:”vanno alla Mecca quando i pellegrini ritornano”.

RS: Quali sono le basi dell’agenda neoliberale dell’ANP?

RK: Almeno nella West Bank, il neoliberalismo ha permeato tutti gli spazi della politica economica e della vita sociale. Di tutte le scelte possibili nelle politiche fiscali, commerciali, monetarie, industriali, di mercato del lavoro o di attrazione di investimenti stranieri, l’ANP ha sempre scelto quelle neoliberali, ad esempio la completa integrazione con l’economia israeliana, o il massimo di liberalizzazione commerciale. Dicono che lo sviluppo basato sull’esportazione sia la sola politica ottimale per paesi in via di sviluppo, e l’integrazione con la più avanzata economia israeliana la scelta migliore. Si dà per scontato che una tale strategia di sviluppo consentirà l’integrazione con la tendenza a lungo termine dell’economia israeliana, mentre le statistiche mostrano brutalmente che l’unico trend sicuro nei rapporti economici tra Palestina e Israele è la divergenza delle entrate, da 40 anni a questa parte. Infatti, se consideriamo l’economia araba in Israele dal 1948, il rapporto tra capitale israeliano e risorse economiche palestinesi è lo stesso. Oltre a ciò c’è un continuo riferimento alla necessità che lo stato palestinese promuova la crescita “guidata dal settore privato”. E’ un po’ una battuta, visto che il settore pubblico palestinese è inesistente come soggetto economico, e oggi c’è poco da privatizzare. Nondimeno, le privatizzazioni colpiscono la gente.
Prendiamo ad esempio la distribuzione di energia elettrica. Se andate al sud della West Bank, o nella valle del Giordano di notte, vedrete interi villaggi a lume di candela. Là sono stati introdotti per forza contatori prepagati, in nome dei tagli di bilancio dell’ANP ispirati da Washington, e naturalmente molta gente povera può pagare.
Penso che l’adozione cieca di simili politiche sia uno degli errori più gravi dell’ANP; è il contrario dello sviluppo e della liberazione, che sono le due cose più necessarie ai palestinesi. Cosa serve all’economia palestinese? Una ricostruzione. La capacità produttiva va ricostituita con appositi investimenti. Non si può lasciare tutto al mercato, occorre prendere decisioni: che tipo di industria vogliamo? Quale agricoltura? Quali approvvigionamenti di cibo? E le risorse naturali, gas naturale, le risorse del Mar Morto, l’acqua? Quali sono le politiche, e quali le istituzioni del sovrano e indipendente stato palestinese che si occupano di questi aspetti strategici della sicurezza economica nazionale?

RS: Quando è iniziata la svolta neoliberale?

RK: Negli anni ’90, con la conferenza di pace di Madrid, e il processo di pace di Oslo, la globalizzazione e il sempre crescente coinvolgimento delle istituzioni finanziarie internazionali in Palestina. La Banca Mondiale, e in particolare il FMI hanno condizionato il modo di pensare delle elites politiche. Importante anche la formazione del Primo Ministro Fayyad, che viene dal FMI, mentre il capo del Fondo di Investimento Palestinese, Muhamad Mustafa, viene dalla porta accanto, la banca Mondiale. Non li biasimo, non possono che pensarla così, in quel quadro. Ma sorprende cha dalla Palestina venga così poco pensiero economico alternativo. Su tutto il resto, attivismo, diritti umani, impegno civile, etc., c’è un pensiero intellettuale e la Palestina rimane una valida avanguardia. Ma perché così pochi contestano l’approccio neoliberale dell’ANP? Per questo Sobhi Samour ed io abbiamo scritto quell’articolo sul Journal of Palestine Studies. Le cose sono assai ovvie, ma nessuno ne parla, e pensiamo che invece andasse detto, e da economisti palestinesi.

RS: Qual è il ruolo della forza, del consenso e della persuasione nel contesto palestinese?

RK: Si enfatizza la riforma palestinese, la costruzione istituzionale, le spese per lo sviluppo e la sicurezza, specialmente la collaborazione con gli istruttori militari USA e l’esercito israeliano nell’assicurare una “calma” nella West Bank dal 2007, probabilmente diminuendo il peso militare e i costi dell’occupazione. Inoltre, dopo tutti questi anni di lotta senza successo, la modernizzazione, la transizione ad una qualche normalità, la pace ed una vita normale hanno un grande potere di persuasione, e l’ANP comunque assicura circa un terzo dell’impiego – ce ne è abbastanza per convincere!
Il consenso va anche più in là, nel senso che vi sono elites che attendevano questo tipo di situazione. Nella West Bank vi sono molti costruttori, fornitori di servizi di lusso, speculatori che ora fanno parecchi soldi, mentre a Gaza vi è una nuova elite di centinaia di imprenditori e redditieri nati con il contrabbando dei tunnel. Tutti costoro sostengono l’attuale consenso.

RS: La divisione tra Fatah e Hamas contribuisce a ciò?

RK: Nella West Bank, la divisione è stata un fattore facilitante. Se Hamas avesse partecipato alle decisioni politiche, il documento avrebbe incontrato resistenze assai maggiori, perché la povertà e la disoccupazione avrebbero causato scontento e pressione politica nel suo elettorato. Peraltro, attualmente molte cose accadono nella regione, perché la gente respinge i governi autoritari; quste rivoluzioni sono socioeconomiche, oltre che politiche. L’ondata arriverà in Palestina in ogni modo, a prescindere dalla occupazione.

RS: Che pensa del Movimento del 15 Marzo che cerca di comporre la divisione?

RK: Le giovani generazioni non hanno fiducia in nessuno. Il Movimento del 15 Marzo, per quanto piccolo, indica che molti giovani hanno perso fiducia in Hamas, Fatah, o nell’ANP di Fayyad. E’ anche un fatto generazionale. Per il ceto medio, c’è una certa dipendenza, e c’è anche una forte classe imprenditoriale capitalista. Sono quelli implicati nei grandi progetti come le installazioni industriali, le città modello o le comunità chiuse. Prosperano con l’ANP, ma guadagnavano bene anche prima, e hanno molto in gioco ora. Solo che pochi sono i grandi progetti di investimento a lungo termine. Sostanzialmente, si tratta di edilizia residenziale. Questo era un settore che copriva una buona parte del PIL da sempre in Palestina, perfino negli anni ’80. Ma basta un tank israeliano per sfasciare insegne, vetrate e cartelli. Basta un carro armato, ed è finita. Speriamo non vada così.

Questa intervista e’ stata pubblicata qui da Electronic Intifada.

intervista: "il consenso neoliberale in palestina"

2001-04-25T22:57:00.000+02:00

2011-04-26

[en] [fr]
si rischia che i 'cittadini' dell'ANP si adagino in una vita apparentemente normale. che si accontentino di un futuro indefinito senza una vera politica economica che vada oltre l’erogazione di servizi ed aiuti e che crei le condizioni per la fine dell’occupazione. (...) [leggi tutto]

interview: "Le consensus néolibéral en Palestine"

2001-04-25T22:56:00.004+02:00

2011-04-26

[en] [it]
Plus tôt ce mois-ci, la Banque Mondiale, le Fond Monétaire International et le Coordinateur Spécial des Nations Unies pour le Processus de Paix au Moyen Orient (UNSCO) ont publié chacun des rapports qui soutiennent le programme de l’Autorité palestinienne de mise en place d’un état. Ils prétendent que, du point de vue des institutions, l’AP est prête à établir un état dans un avenir proche.

En août 2009, l’AP a publié un document de stratégie [PDF], intitulé « Fin de l’Occupation, Construction de l’État. » Le Programme de mise en place d’un état indique que l’instauration d’un état palestinien d’ici deux ans « est non seulement possible, mais aussi essentiel. » L’AP insiste sur la construction de « solides institutions d’état susceptibles de pourvoir aux besoins de nos citoyens, malgré l’occupation. » En ce qui concerne le système économique, le programme indique que « la Palestine se fondera sur les principes d’une économie de marché. »

Récemment, les économistes palestiniens Raja Khalidi et Sobhi Samour ont publié un article très critique à l’égard de la politique néolibérale de l’AP, dans le Journal of Palestine Studies, intitulé « Le Néolibéralisme en tant que Libération : Le Programme de mise en place de l’État et la Réfection du Mouvement National Palestinien. »

Khalidi et Samour soutiennent que le programme de mise en place d’un état « ne peut réussir ni en tant qu’accoucheur d’indépendance, ni en tant que stratégie pour le développement économique de la Palestine. » Ils déclarent que l’AP offre aux Palestiniens qui vivent en Cisjordanie occupée « un programme basé sur le fait de produire croissance et prospérité sans aucune stratégie de résistance ou de défi aux mesures d’occupation. »

Le collaborateur de l’Intifada Électronique Ray Smith a interviewé Raja Khalidi, économiste supérieur à la Conférence de l’ONU sur le Commerce et le Développement (CNUCED /UNCTAD), au sujet de la politique économique de l’AP et de ses implications pour l’instauration d’un état. Les opinions exprimées dans cette interview ne représentent pas celles du secrétariat de l’ONU.
Ray Smith: Que pensez-vous de l’éloge unanime de la part de ceux qui dirigent les institutions internationales ?

Raja Khalidi: De tels rapports ne me rendent pas particulièrement heureux, et je m’inquiète de leur véracité. Il existe un grand contraste entre ces déclarations et la réalité politique sur le terrain et il y a plusieurs problèmes au sujet de ces opinions. Ils prétendent que l’AP est maintenant au-dessus du « seuil » pour l’instauration d’un état viable, qu’elle a répondu aux divers critères requis par ces institutions pour avoir droit à devenir un état. Ce genre de modèle générique utilisé pour évaluer des questions complexes où qu’elles soient, concernant le gouvernement, présente un problème général. Dans le cas de la Palestine, le vrai problème est que de tels critères et des seuils arbitraires n’ont rien à voir avec la réalité, ni avec le gros éléphant dans la pièce de la gouvernance palestinienne, à savoir l’occupation israélienne.

Donc aujourd’hui, voilà ce qui importe vraiment : Que se passera-t-il en septembre, quand tout cela changera, quand, au mieux, la position diplomatique officielle deviendra « l’État palestinien » ? Qu’est-ce qui fera changer cet état virtuel en un vrai état ? Personne ne semble aborder ce problème. On ne parle que de peaufiner cet état virtuel, le réformer et le réparer, ajouter des services par ci, privatiser par là, économiser par ci et réduire le budget par là. C’est comme la façon dont les donateurs et les institutions internationales abordent la performance d’un pays normal à revenu moyen. L’AP semble présumer que, par la volonté du peuple, ces citoyens qui se montrent capables de respecter les feux de signalisation, de payer leurs factures d’électricité et de ne pas porter de fusils en public, le statut d’état « s’imposera. » D’une manière ou d’une autre, le statut d’état « arrivera tout simplement » en septembre, parce que techniquement, tout est prêt.

RS: Selon des rapports récents, la Palestine semble bien réussir au point de vue économique. Vraiment ?

RK: Eh bien, nous constatons certainement une « bulle économique ». On a vu ça avant dans les années 80 et 90, mais les bulles ont éclaté à la fin ou ont été écrasées par les chars israéliens. La croissance économique de 9% en 2010 a été alimentée principalement par des donateurs, l’aide et une reprise des investissements privés en Cisjordanie, et aussi par l’économie des tunnels florissante dans la bande de Gaza. Ce n’est un secret pour personne que La « croissance » a lieu principalement dans les zones A et B, non dans la zone C, le sud de la Cisjordanie, ni la vallée du Jourdain, tandis que, de toute façon, Gaza et Jérusalem, sont en réalité exclues de la carte de la croissance. Donc c’est à peu près la moitié de la population palestinienne sous occupation, qui jouit de la reprise économique. [Note de la rédaction : Selon les Accords d’Oslo, la Cisjordanie occupée est divisée en trois secteurs : Zones A, B et C. L’AP détient le contrôle de la sécurité dans la zone A et partage le contrôle avec Israël dans la B. La zone C qui représente 60% de la Cisjordanie, est sous contrôle israélien].

La priorité accordée à l’accès au seuil de l’indépendance, n’était pas une complète perte de temps. Elle a certainement aidé à composer au moins l’image d’un état qui fonctionne. Tout ceci cependant, au risque de voir l’AP se satisfaire de l’image d’un état qui fonctionne et les « citoyens » accepter ce qui leur semble une vie normale. Bienvenue à la « paix économique » de la Palestine ! En fait, les Palestiniens doivent s’en contenter et la déguiser autant que possible pour un avenir indéterminé, sans latitude pour prendre de vraies décisions économiques qui ne s’arrêtent pas à l’organisation de services et qui aident à créer les conditions pour mettre fin à l’occupation plutôt que coexister avec celle-ci.

Donc, en tant qu’économiste du développement, je me méfie instinctivement des bulles comme celle-ci, spécialement si on tient compte du cours spécifique de l’histoire et des changements structurels qui empêchent cette croissance de progresser.

RS: Avez-vous d’autres préoccupations ?

RK: Mais oui, voilà mon deuxième point : On prétend que la situation est bien meilleure au niveau des institutions qu’elle ne l’était en 2000 ou 2005. Si celles-ci avaient été en place en ce moment-là, qu’est-ce qui aurait empêché l’état de fonctionner ? Si on se souvient d’Oslo, l’état était censé être établi d’ici la fin des années 90. On pensait que cinq ans devaient suffire. Ce qui était là, on le supposait, pouvait être transformé en un état d’une façon ou d’une autre. Évidemment, aujourd’hui la transparence dans la finance publique s’est améliorée, mais en fin de compte, le contrôle des finances est toujours entre les mains d’une personne, comme c’était au temps du soi-disant corrompu Yasser Arafat [feu Président de l’Organisation de Libération de la Palestine]. Il est certain que les principales institutions publiques fonctionnent. Elles fournissent leurs services. Mais elles faisaient ça avant aussi ! Ce n’est pas comme si elles ne fournissaient pas des services il y a dix ou cinq ans, ou ce qui empêchait l’état d’être établi était ce défaut.

Selon la fiche de score de toute la réforme institutionnelle, que tiennent l’AP et les donateurs, par ces critères, c’est seulement maintenant que le droit des Palestiniens à l’autodétermination peut se discuter, puisque les Palestiniens se sont montré capables de se gouverner eux-mêmes. Alors, ça veut dire que la raison pour laquelle ils ne pouvaient pas le faire depuis 1988, moment où ils avaient déclaré leur indépendance pour la première fois, en accord avec les résolutions de l’ONU, c’était à cause de leurs propres défaillances institutionnelles qu’on a mis vingt ans à discuter ? Sans apporter quoi que soit d’utile, on s’éloigne du point de mire qui est nécessaire pour bien bâtir un état et diriger le développement économique d’une économie déchirée par la guerre.

Ma troisième préoccupation concerne le type d’économie qui est en train de s’établir. Supposons que d’ici septembre, un état palestinien soit en place et qu’Israël se retire. Quel genre d’économie envisage-t-on ? On parle d’un système commercial très ouvert, de la perpétuation de la structure du Protocole de Paris et de la soi-disant « union douanière », de la conformité avec les normes de l’Organisation du Commerce Mondial, sans politique monétaire ou macroéconomique autonome ni responsabilité fiscale etc. Mais tout économiste de l’UNCTAD vous dira que ce n’est pas la bonne façon d’aborder une telle situation.

RS: Selon les tout derniers chiffres, la production industrielle a baissé. Quelles sont les conséquences possibles de cette tendance pour l’avenir de l’économie de la Palestine ?

RK: À l’UNCTAD, nous estimons qu’un tiers environ de la capacité de production existant avant la deuxième intifada, a été perdu. Il est certain qu’il faut investir dans l’économie pour renforcer en partie les éléments nécessaires aux besoins domestiques. À mon avis, rien de ça ne se passe en Palestine, sauf quelquefois dans certains secteurs spécialisés. Et pourquoi pas ? Comment pouvez-vous sortir d’un conflit avec une économie déchirée par la guerre, si vous voulez que votre état tienne debout, sans capacité intérieure de production industrielle ? Tous ces rapports montrent qu’il n’y a eu presque aucun changement dans les taux élevés de chômage et de pauvreté.

Par conséquent, on a tout simplement tort d’encourager la croissance et le développement en vue de l’exportation. Cela n’a pas marché dans le contexte palestinien et cela n’a marché pour les autres qu’à des stades très différents de développement. Cela pourrait arriver plus tard, mais certainement pas maintenant. Qui plus est, si, en septembre nous allons avoir une sorte d’état palestinien, son accès aux marchés restera fermement entre les mains d’Israël. Alors, de quelle sorte de croissance à vocation exportatrice parlons-nous ? Toutes les expériences récentes de fondamentalisme de marché néolibéral partout dans le monde et beaucoup d’expériences de stratégies de croissance tournées vers l’exportation dans des économies tout aussi faibles en Afrique, sans parler de l’Afrique du Nord : toutes ont manifestement échoué, et dans cette dernière, c’est spectaculaire ! Pourtant, l’AP fait des projets pour ce genre d’économie. Voilà un dicton qui convient parfaitement : « Ils vont au hadj quand les pèlerins en reviennent. »

RS: Quels sont les piliers-clés du programme néolibéral de l’AP ?

RK: Au moins en Cisjordanie, le néolibéralisme est omniprésent dans tous les secteurs de la politique économique et de la vie sociale. Parmi les options disponibles, en considérant d’attirer des investissements dans les domaines fiscaux, commerciaux, monétaires, industriels ou étrangers, l’AP a choisi la voie néolibérale, par exemple la poursuite de l’intégration complète dans l’économie israélienne ou la libéralisation maximale du régime commercial. Le développement tourné vers l’exportation, comme je l’ai déjà dit, est censé être la seule politique optimale pour les pays en voie de développement, et l’intégration dans une économie israélienne supérieure la meilleure option. On s’imagine qu’une telle stratégie de développement permettra l’intégration avec la tendance de longue durée de l’économie israélienne dont les statistiques montrent de façon brutale que l’écart salarial est la vraie tendance dans les relations économiques palestino-israéliennes depuis quarante ans.

En effet, si nous considérons l’économie arabe en Israël depuis 1948, au fond, le rapport des ressources économiques palestiniennes avec le capital israélien et les conditions préalables au développement, est le même. De plus, on dit partout que l’état palestinien doit permettre « la croissance stimulée par le privé ». Ça a plutôt l’air d’un bobard, le secteur public palestinien n’existant pas en tant qu’agent économique, et aujourd’hui, il n’y a presque plus rien à privatiser. Cependant, le commun des mortels souffre de la privatisation.

Prenons l’exemple de la distribution d’électricité. Allez dans la vallée du Jourdain ou dans le sud de la Cisjordanie la nuit et vous verrez, sur les flancs des coteaux, des villages éclairés à la bougie. On a introduit de force des compteurs électriques prépayés, pour contribuer à l’exercice de réduction du budget de l’AP, selon les dispositions de l’accord collectif de Washington, mais évidemment beaucoup de pauvres ne peuvent pas payer et on délaisse tout simplement les « filets de sécurité sociale » habituels.

À mon avis, adopter aveuglément un tel programme politique est une des plus graves erreurs de l’AP ; assurément, c’est défavorable au développement et à la libération, deux choses dont les Palestiniens ont le plus besoin. De quoi l’économie palestinienne a-t-elle besoin ? Elle a besoin de se reconstruire. La capacité de production doit être reconstituée systématiquement et l’investissement affecté en conséquence. Une reprise viable ne peut pas simplement dépendre du marché. Il faut prendre des décisions : Quelle sorte d’industrie voulons-nous ? Quelle sorte d’agriculture ? Et la sécurité alimentaire ? Et les ressources naturelles : les champs de gaz naturel, les ressources de la Mer Morte, l’eau ? Où est le programme politique et quelles sont les institutions de l’état indépendant et souverain palestinien permettant d’aborder ces aspects stratégiques de sécurité économique intérieure ?

RS: Quand le tournant néolibéral a-t-il commencé ?

RK: Cela remonte aux années 90, à la Conférence de Paix de Madrid, au processus de paix d’Oslo, à la mondialisation et au rôle progressif des institutions financières internationales en Palestine. En particulier, la Banque Mondiale et de plus en plus le FMI ont laissé leur empreinte dans la façon de penser des élites qui décident. Et naturellement, la propre expérience du Premier Ministre [Salam] Fayyad est importante : Il vient du FMI, tandis que le DG du Fond d’Investissement Palestinien, Muhamad Mustafa, a été élevé à la Banque Mondiale voisine. Je ne le leur reproche pas, du fait qu’ils ne peuvent vraiment réfléchir à ces questions que dans le même système de référence. Mais il est étonnant qu’il y ait si peu de pensée économique différente issue de la Palestine.

Pour le reste, sur le plan de l’activisme, des droits de l’homme, de l’engagement dans la société civile etc., il existe une pensée intellectuelle et la Palestine reste une avant-garde pleine de vitalité. Alors, pourquoi se fait-il que seulement quelques-uns mettent en doute la démarche néolibérale de l’AP ? Voilà pourquoi Sobhi Samour et moi, nous avons écrit cet article dans le Journal of Palestine Studies. Les choses sont si évidentes, malgré tout personne n’en dit rien et nous avons pensé que cela devait être dit, à cette occasion par deux économistes palestiniens.

RS: Quel est le succès de la force, du consentement et de la persuasion dans le contexte palestinien ?

RK: L’accent sur la réforme palestinienne, l’instauration d’institutions, les dépenses sur le développement et l’opération de prestige, a fourni l’élément de sécurité, spécialement l’association fructueuse avec les instructeurs militaires américains et l’armée israélienne, qui assure une « période de calme » en Cisjordanie depuis 2007, réduisant en même temps, il semble, le poids des dépenses militaires et le coût de l’occupation. De plus, après toutes ces années de lutte sans issue, la modernisation, la transition vers une sorte de normalité, la paix et la vie normale, c’est attirant et convaincant, tandis que les emplois fournis par l’AP maintiennent un groupe qui représente un tiers des salariés – ça compte beaucoup pour persuader !

L’assentiment va encore plus loin, je veux dire qu’il y avait des élites qui attendaient ce genre de situation. En Cisjordanie, il y a de nombreux entrepreneurs, des prestataires de services de luxe, des promoteurs et des spéculateurs immobiliers qui gagnent bien leur vie actuellement, tandis que, dans la bande de Gaza, une nouvelle élite de plusieurs centaines de chefs d’entreprises et de profiteurs est apparue grâce à l’économie illégale des tunnels. À mon avis, tous ces personnages sont très influents dans le « consensus » actuel.

RS: Est-ce que la division entre le Fatah et le Hamas contribue à tout ceci ?

RK: En ce qui concerne la Cisjordanie, la division a certainement facilité la situation. Si Hamas avait participé aux prises de décisions, ce programme aurait rencontré beaucoup plus de résistance, du fait que la pauvreté et le chômage qui en auraient résulté, auraient provoqué des troubles et de la tension politique dans les rangs du Hamas. Cependant, à l’heure actuelle, il se passe beaucoup de choses dans la région, étant donné que le peuple rejette l’autoritarisme. Autant que politiques, ces révolutions étaient aussi socioéconomiques. Cette vague va frapper la Palestine d’une façon ou d’une autre, quel que soit le dilemme sur ce qu’il faut faire de l’occupation.

RS: Et le mouvement palestinien du 15 mars qui cherche à mettre fin à la division ?

RK: À mon avis, la nouvelle génération n’a confiance en personne. Le mouvement du 15 mars, bien qu’il soit assez faible, montre que beaucoup de jeunes n’ont plus de respect pour le Hamas, le Fatah ou l’AP sous Fayyad. C’est aussi une question de génération. Dans la bourgeoisie, on dépend évidemment un peu de ces derniers. Il y a également une classe capitaliste entreprenante, qui est très puissante. Ce sont ceux qui se lancent dans ces grands projets de développement tels que les zones industrielles, les villes modèles et les ghettos dorés ou les projets gaziers. Cette classe a manifestement prospéré sous cette AP, mais elle réussissait bien, même avant. Ces gens sont très intéressés matériellement au maintien du statu quo. Pourtant, je n’ai pas vraiment vu de projets d’investissements à long terme. En fait, c’est de la construction résidentielle. Le niveau de construction et sa part dans le produit intérieur brut est traditionnellement élevé en Palestine ; il l’était, même dans les années 80. Mais il suffit d’un char israélien à Ramallah pour abattre tous ces panneaux d’affichage, façades en verre et poteaux indicateurs. Un seul char et c’est fini. Espérons que ça ne finira pas de cette façon.

Ce reportage était écrit par Ray Smith. La version original Anglaise a été publié ici par Electronic Intifada.

interview: "le consensus néolibéral en palestine"

2001-04-25T22:56:00.003+02:00

2011-04-26

[en] [it]
la palestine n’accèdera ni au développement, ni à l’indépendance par le biais des réformes économiques néolibérales, actuellement préconisées et mises en place par l’autorité palestinienne, soutiennent les économistes palestiniens raja khalidi et sobhi samour. le collaborateur de electronic intifada ray smith a interviewé raja khalidi. (...) [lire]

report: "Nablus Stands Beautiful and Unvisited"

2001-04-24T11:00:00.002+02:00

2011-04-24

Palestine experiences a boom in tourism, as herds of tourists storm the cities of Jerusalem, Jericho and Bethlehem. Meanwhile, the West Bank city of Nablus, rich in historic and religious sites, hardly attracts visitors.

"It's an ancient city with a magnificent old town. It's home to Jacob's Well, the Samaritans and Sabastiya." Salem Hantoli, manager of Nablus' al-Yasmeen hotel, praises the various tourist attractions of Nablus, a city with 126,000 inhabitants in the northern West Bank. Al-Yasmeen, the second largest of Nablus' four hotels, has 45 beds and 16 employees.

"Before the second Intifada, our city used to be a major destination for religious tourism," recalls Abdelafo S. Aker, public relations officer at Nablus' municipality, adding that after the uprising, the siege and the closures, tourists have become rare in Nablus.
In 2009 only 7,170 hotel guests were counted in the whole Nablus governorate as compared to 451,840 in the West Bank as a whole, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS). For 2010, figures aren't available yet.

Hotel manager Hantoli says that in 2008 things started to improve. "The year 2009 was even better, and 2010 was a boom." Al-Yasmeen's occupancy rates and revenue have reached new heights.

The hotel's improving performance has to be considered in the light of the extreme slump during the Intifada, however. "For at least five years, our occupancy rate was no more than 10 to 15 percent," the hotel manager remembers. Even now, 80 percent of his guests belong to the alternative tourism sector, visitors with political interests. "Lately, but very slowly, we start to have people coming only for tourism."

A contributing factor has been the easing of entry restrictions to Nablus since 2009. The city has been under strict closure for seven years and the Israeli army often denied foreigners passage through the checkpoints surrounding the city. "The slight increase in tourism is largely domestic though, it's visitors from the West Bank and Israel," says municipality officer Aker. In terms of international tourism, no big shift could be noticed.

Aker points at Israeli measures as the main obstacle to attracting more international tourists. "When at Ben Gurion Airport you tell them you're planning to visit Nablus, they'll recommend you not going there because the city 'isn't safe’. And surely they'll make it harder for you to actually enter Israel," says Aker.
During the Intifada, Nablus and its three refugee camps were strongholds of armed resistance to Israeli occupation. Clashes, massive Israeli army raids, targeted killings and long curfews were part of everyday life. Israeli propaganda further contributed to the city's image as a chaotic and dangerous place.

In Nablus, efforts are under way to change the city's bad reputation. In 2007, the Palestinian Authority (PA) began to deploy police forces. Armed resistance has vanished and Israeli raids have become less frequent. They usually take place after midnight and are coordinated with the PA. Nablus representative Aker says that the much improved law enforcement has led to stability. "There's no reason any more not to visit Nablus," he concludes.

Yet local hotels are facing another problem. While in all other parts of Palestine, hotel guests stay for an average of two nights, in the northern West Bank they do so for less than 1.5 nights. Tour operators usually bring visitors only at daytime, while they spend their nights in Israeli hotels. Hantoli says that it's also the operators’ responsibility to better link Palestinian sites. "Unfortunately, most of them still solely focus on Jerusalem, Jericho and Bethlehem," he regrets.

Nablus lacks a competitive tourist infrastructure. "You can't just jump to tourism," PR officer Aker says. "We lack hotels, restaurants and experienced staff," he tells. Attracting investment, however, depends on stability. Even though things have calmed down, military raids could still occur and at any point, closure may be imposed and access to Nablus be interrupted. The Israeli army remains a factor of uncertainty.
Huge potential is seen in the reconstruction and renovation of Nablus' historic old town, likely the city's main attraction. During the April 2002 'Battle of Nablus' and several other big Israeli army invasions, the old town has suffered heavy damage. Several mosques, churches and traditional olive oil soap factories such as the Kanaan and the Nabulsi factory were totally destroyed, while other sites such as the Ottoman-area Turkish bathhouse 'Hammam as-Shifa' and the massive Abdelhadi Palace were severely damaged.

"By developing and renovating the old town, there'd be even more reason for tourists to actually spend more than just a few hours in the city," explains Salem Hantoli at al-Yasmeen Hotel. The municipality along with Palestinian and international partners is working on restoring some sites and alleys in the old town. Renovation work is noticeable, but remains quite scattered.

"Our financial resources are very limited in comparison to the needs on the ground," says the municipality's representative Abdelafo S. Aker. The immense destruction of private property left hundreds of the old town's 20,000 residents homeless. Sheltering and assisting them became a priority, while the protection of cultural heritage had to wait. "Also, infrastructure projects such as water, sewage or electricity have been our immediate priorities," explains Aker.
In the heart of the old town, Nasir Arafat directs a non-governmental organisation called 'Civil Society of Nablus Governorate'. "We used to pay the rent of people whose houses were destroyed or uninhabitable," says Arafat. Nowadays, the organisation is busy assisting people in renovating and rebuilding their private homes under the aspect of humanitarian aid.

During the interview residents pop in, listing up their needs and asking for money. "We're not fast enough, because we're lacking money," Arafat regrets. "Still more than 200 houses are in need of reconstruction."

Not far from Arafat's office lies the huge Tuqan palace. During the 18th century, the Tuqan clan nearly controlled all of Nablus and its hinterland. The palace is mostly neglected and its back garden now looks like a jungle. Obviously, restoration efforts would have to be a massive undertaking.

Members of the Tuqan family say it's beyond their financial scope. As time passed, the clan's wealth trickled down through several generations and dispersed. Goats are now grazing where once Nablus' powerful elite ruled.

This report was written by Ray Smith and was published here by IPS Inter Press Service.

report: "Palestinians Find Trade, Not an Economy"

2001-04-18T22:00:00.004+02:00

2011-04-19

[es] [fr]
The Palestinian Authority is preparing to establish a state in near future. But the Palestinian economy remains strongly tied to Israel, and manufacturers are struggling to recover from the second Intifada.

Recent reports by the U.N. Special Coordinator for the Middle East Process (UNSCO) and the World Bank acknowledge the Palestinian Authority's progress in institution building and in improving governmental functions, denoting it as well positioned for the establishment of a state.

According to the World Bank, economic growth in the West Bank reached about 7.6 percent of the GDP in 2010. These figures require careful interpretation, though. The World Bank stresses that growth is "primarily donor-driven" and "reflects recovery from the very low base reached during the second Intifada."

Growth isn't sustainable either and "remains hampered by Israeli restrictions," the report says. Not all sectors of the Palestinian economy are growing. While construction is booming, manufacturing output fell by nearly 6 percent, remaining more than 10 percent below the 1999 level, the World Bank points out.
In the city of Nablus, nestled between Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim in the northern West Bank, the main streets, torn up by Israeli bulldozers and tanks nearly a decade ago, are packed with cars. Traffic lights have replaced the rule of chaos. Al-Mujamma, a massive ten-storey complex overlooks Nablus's ancient old city. It hosts a shopping mall, a cinema, various companies and an underground taxi station.

On Saturdays, scores of Palestinian Israelis flock into the vibrant markets. Basel H. Kanaan, chairman of Nablus's Chamber of Commerce and Industry, is pleased but warns: "It's not like before the Intifada." In the old city's Khan al-Tujjar, where centuries ago expensive clothes brought from Damascus and Cairo were sold, merchants nowadays underbid each other with low-quality products made in China.

"The Chinese goods destroy our businesses," says Kanaan. He explains that local producers can hardly compete with the Chinese. According to the Palestinian historian Beshara Doumani, Nablus has long been Palestine's most important centre for weaving and dying of textiles. Its garment manufacturers used to produce inexpensive clothes for the mass market of peasants and lower urban classes.

Today, the Palestinian garments and textiles industry is estimated to employ about 65,000 workers, contributing about 15 percent of the manufacturing output. Nablus has the highest concentration of the textile businesses. The large majority have less than 10 employees.
In the old city's Aqaba neighbourhood, Moaz Hlihil employs 15 workers. His enterprise, located in an old stone house with an arched ceiling, is packed with cloth, yarn and wooden boxes, with portraits of Yasser Arafat on the wall.

"We work with Israel," Hlihil says. "Our opportunities are very limited, we're under siege. Israel is the only market we have." Most Palestinian manufacturers are subcontractors to Israeli companies who outsource the labour-intensive stages of production because of the low wages in the West Bank.

Garment manufacturing consists of several steps. Following the design, cloth is cut and sewed. The garments then are washed, ironed, packed and distributed. Palestinian subcontractors are usually delivered the cut cloth. Finally, the packed garment is re-exported to Israel and sold in the local market or exported under Israeli tags.

Hlihil's business is among the few that do the design and cutting themselves. "The work remains the same, it's routine," Hlihil says. During the Intifada, he kept producing, despite the harsh conditions. "Our situation was bad, doesn't get better and remains bad."

Hlihil's employees earn up to 20 dollars per day. The Israelis pay by piece. "It's simple," says Hlihil: "If we work, we earn." Sometimes there's no work at all and his employees have to find another way to bridge the income gap. Hlihil admits that planning is difficult, as work is on-demand.
According to the World Bank, unemployment in the West Bank has decreased to 16.9 percent in the fourth quarter of 2010. However, this number doesn't tell the whole story, because labour force participation rates are low and underemployment is high. Mohammad al-Aghbar, one of Hlihil's employees, finds it difficult to support his family if his income is unstable. "Before the Intifada," he says, "we used to have work every day. Also, our income was better, because our expenses were lower."

At Nablus's Chamber of Commerce and Industry, chairman Kanaan says he's happy about the re- establishment of connections between Israeli businesses and Palestinian manufacturers. He doesn't regard the subcontracting in the textile production as problematic. "They get us money and our guys have work," he says with a smile.

Putting on a more serious look, Kanaan says: "Here in Nablus, we have trade, but not an economy!" He explains that because many factories were destroyed during the Intifada, local manufacturing struggles. "No value is produced here, there's only trade. But trade is only to move money from one pocket to the next."
In Nablus's manufacturing sector, only the furniture business has witnessed improvement, Kanaan points out. In Zawata, a village adjacent to Nablus, Amer Nayef Qatalony confirms says "the year 2010 was excellent, the best year since a long time." Qatalony is manager of the al-Khulood Furniture Factory.

In 2002, when the Israeli army assaulted Nablus constantly, put the city under curfew for almost 200 days and imposed complete closure, the company escaped to ar-Ram near Jerusalem. In 2006, it relocated to Nablus. "Since then, our situation has been improving slowly, but steadily," Qatalony says.

Qatalony says Chinese competition is pushing prices down and endangering local producers. He's sure though that many people know that furniture produced locally is superior. "Fortunately, many customers don't only look at the price."

Thanks to increasing sales, the company today employs about 90 people as compared to 30 before the uprising. "Our customers used to come from Israel and from all over the West Bank," he remembers. Now they're slowly coming back.

This report was written by Ray Smith and was published here by IPS Inter Press Service.

artículo: "hay comercio, pero no economía"

2001-04-18T21:58:00.005+02:00

2011-04-19

[en] [fr]
la autoridad nacional palestina (ANP) se prepara para fundar un estado en el menor tiempo posible. pero su economía sigue muy dependiente de israel y a su industria le cuesta recuperarse de la segunda intifada, que estalló en 2000. (...) [>>>]

artículo: "Hay comercio, pero no economía"

2001-04-18T21:58:00.004+02:00

2011-04-19

[en] [fr]
La Autoridad Nacional Palestina (ANP) se prepara para fundar un Estado en el menor tiempo posible. Pero su economía sigue muy dependiente de Israel y a su industria le cuesta recuperarse de la segunda Intifada, que estalló en 2000.

Los avances de la ANP en la creación de instituciones y mejora de las funciones del gobierno indican que está bien ubicado para crear un Estado, señala un informe del Banco Mundial y del coordinador especial de las Naciones Unidas para el Proceso de Medio Oriente.

El crecimiento del producto interno bruto de Cisjordania alcanzó 7,6 por ciento en 2010, dijo el Banco Mundial. Pero según la institución, el alza obedece al aporte de los donantes y "refleja una recuperación respecto del bajo nivel alcanzado durante la segunda Intifada", el alzamiento popular contra la ocupación israelí.

El crecimiento tampoco es sostenible y "sigue obstaculizado por las restricciones israelíes", señala el informe. No todos los sectores de la economía palestina crecen. La construcción está en auge, pero la producción industrial cayó casi seis por ciento, 10 por ciento por debajo del nivel registrado en 1999, según la institución.
Las principales calles de la ciudad de Nablús, entre los montes Ebal y Gerizim, en el norte de Cisjordania, que fueron destruidas por topadoras y tanques israelíes hace casi una década, ahora están repletas de automóviles y los semáforos reemplazaron el caos en el tránsito.

El complejo Al Mujamma, con vista a la parte antigua, tiene un centro comercial, un cine y alberga varias empresas y estación de taxis subterránea.

"No es como antes de la Intifada", advierte Basel H. Kanaan, presidente de la Cámara de Industria y Comercio de Nablús, pese a la cantidad de personas que se concentran los sábados en los bulliciosos mercados.

En Jan al Tujjar, en la Ciudad Vieja donde hace siglos se vendías ropas traídas de Damasco y El Cairo, ahora se comercializan productos de mala calidad, procedentes de China.

"Los productos chinos destruyen nuestros negocios", se lamentó Kanaa. Los fabricantes locales apenas pueden competir.

Desde hace tiempo, Nablús ha sido el centro más importante de tejidos y telas teñidas. La industria de la vestimenta solía fabricar ropa barata para los campesinos y la clase media de las ciudades.

Se estima que el subsector emplea actualmente unos 65.000 trabajadores, que contribuyen a 15 por ciento de la producción industrial. Nablús tiene la mayor concentración de empresas textiles. La mayoría de ellas tiene menos de 10 empleados.
Moaz Hlihil tiene 15 empleados en el barrio de Aqaba, en el casco antiguo. Su empresa funciona en una vieja casa de piedra con techo en forma de arco que está llena de ropa, hilos y cajas de madera. En una pared cuelga una fotografía del líder histórico Yasser Arafat (1929-2004), quien declaró unilateralmente la independencia de Palestina en 1988.

"Trabajamos con Israel", señaló Hlihil. "Las oportunidades son limitadas porque vivimos en estado de sitio. El Estado judío es el único mercado que tenemos", apuntó.

La mayoría de los fabricantes palestinos están subcontratados por empresas israelíes, que se benefician de los bajos salarios de Cisjordania.

La fabricación de ropa tiene varias etapas. Una vez que se tiene el diseño, se corta la tela y se cose. Luego se lava, se plancha, se embala y se distribuye. Los palestinos suelen dedicarse al corte. Cuando la ropa llega a Israel, se vende en el mercado local o se exporta con etiqueta israelí.

La empresa de Hlihil es una de las pocas que diseña y corta la tela. "El trabajo es el mismo, es una rutina", explicó. Durante la Intifada siguió produciendo, pese a las difícil conyuntura. "La situación era mala, no mejoró y sigue así", añadió.

Los empleados de Hlihil ganan 20 dólares al día. Los israelíes pagan por pieza. "Es fácil. Si trabajamos, ganamos", indicó. A veces no hay pedidos y los trabajadores se ven obligados a encontrar otra forma de mantener sus ingresos.

Es difícil planificar porque el trabajo depende de la demanda, reconoció.
El desempleo en Cisjordania disminuyó 16,9 por ciento en el último trimestre de 2010, según el Banco Mundial, pero sigue alto.

"Antes de la Intifada solíamos tener trabajo todos los días", señaló Mohammad al Abhbar, uno de los empleados de Hlihil. "Nuestros ingresos eran mejores porque nuestros gastos eran más bajos", añadió.

El presidente de la Cámara de Industria y Comercio de Nablús se mostró contento con la reanudación de los vínculos entre empresarios israelíes y fabricantes palestinos. Kanaan no considera que los subcontratos textiles sean un problema. "Nos dan dinero y nuestra gente tiene trabajo", señaló con una sonrisa.

"En Nablús tenemos comercio, pero no economía", apuntó, con expresión seria. La industria tiene problemas porque muchas fábricas fueron destruidas durante la Intifada. "No se produce valor aquí, sólo hay comercio, que hace circular el dinero de un bolsillo a otro", añadió.
Sólo los fabricantes de muebles mejoraron en Nablús, indicó Kanaan.

"El año 2010 fue excelente, el mejor después de mucho tiempo", señaló Amer Nayef Qatalony, del poblado de Zawata, vecino de esta ciudad.

Cuando el ejército atacó Nablús en 2002 y la ciudad estuvo bajo toque de queda por casi 200 días, la empresa escapó a ar-Ram, cerca de Jerusalén, pero en 2006 volvió a esta ciudad. "Desde entonces, nuestra situación mejora lentamente, pero de forma constante", indicó Qatalony.

La competencia china presiona los precios a la baja y pone en peligro a las empresas locales, explicó Qatalony, quien añadió que está seguro de que mucha gente sabe que los muebles palestinos son mejores. "Por suerte, no todos los clientes se fijan sólo en el precio", añadió.

El aumento de las ventas permitió a la compañía tener 90 empleados, respecto de los 30 antes del levantamiento popular de 2000. "Solían venir clientes de Israel y de toda Cisjordania", recordó. La tendencia se recupera lentamente.

Artículo original publicado en inglés por Ray Smith aquí en IPS Inter Press Service.

artículo: "Hay comercio, pero no economía"

2001-04-18T21:58:00.002+02:00

2011-04-19

[en]
La Autoridad Nacional Palestina (ANP) se prepara para fundar un Estado en el menor tiempo posible. Pero su economía sigue muy dependiente de Israel y a su industria le cuesta recuperarse de la segunda Intifada, que estalló en 2000.

Los avances de la ANP en la creación de instituciones y mejora de las funciones del gobierno indican que está bien ubicado para crear un Estado, señala un informe del Banco Mundial y del coordinador especial de las Naciones Unidas para el Proceso de Medio Oriente.

El crecimiento del producto interno bruto de Cisjordania alcanzó 7,6 por ciento en 2010, dijo el Banco Mundial. Pero según la institución, el alza obedece al aporte de los donantes y "refleja una recuperación respecto del bajo nivel alcanzado durante la segunda Intifada", el alzamiento popular contra la ocupación israelí.

El crecimiento tampoco es sostenible y "sigue obstaculizado por las restricciones israelíes", señala el informe. No todos los sectores de la economía palestina crecen. La construcción está en auge, pero la producción industrial cayó casi seis por ciento, 10 por ciento por debajo del nivel registrado en 1999, según la institución.

Las principales calles de la ciudad de Nablús, entre los montes Ebal y Gerizim, en el norte de Cisjordania, que fueron destruidas por topadoras y tanques israelíes hace casi una década, ahora están repletas de automóviles y los semáforos reemplazaron el caos en el tránsito.

El complejo Al Mujamma, con vista a la parte antigua, tiene un centro comercial, un cine y alberga varias empresas y estación de taxis subterránea.

"No es como antes de la Intifada", advierte Basel H. Kanaan, presidente de la Cámara de Industria y Comercio de Nablús, pese a la cantidad de personas que se concentran los sábados en los bulliciosos mercados.

En Jan al Tujjar, en la Ciudad Vieja donde hace siglos se vendías ropas traídas de Damasco y El Cairo, ahora se comercializan productos de mala calidad, procedentes de China.

"Los productos chinos destruyen nuestros negocios", se lamentó Kanaa. Los fabricantes locales apenas pueden competir.

Desde hace tiempo, Nablús ha sido el centro más importante de tejidos y telas teñidas. La industria de la vestimenta solía fabricar ropa barata para los campesinos y la clase media de las ciudades.

Se estima que el subsector emplea actualmente unos 65.000 trabajadores, que contribuyen a 15 por ciento de la producción industrial. Nablús tiene la mayor concentración de empresas textiles. La mayoría de ellas tiene menos de 10 empleados.

Moaz Hlihil tiene 15 empleados en el barrio de Aqaba, en el casco antiguo. Su empresa funciona en una vieja casa de piedra con techo en forma de arco que está llena de ropa, hilos y cajas de madera. En una pared cuelga una fotografía del líder histórico Yasser Arafat (1929-2004), quien declaró unilateralmente la independencia de Palestina en 1988.

"Trabajamos con Israel", señaló Hlihil. "Las oportunidades son limitadas porque vivimos en estado de sitio. El Estado judío es el único mercado que tenemos", apuntó.

La mayoría de los fabricantes palestinos están subcontratados por empresas israelíes, que se benefician de los bajos salarios de Cisjordania.

La fabricación de ropa tiene varias etapas. Una vez que se tiene el diseño, se corta la tela y se cose. Luego se lava, se plancha, se embala y se distribuye. Los palestinos suelen dedicarse al corte. Cuando la ropa llega a Israel, se vende en el mercado local o se exporta con etiqueta israelí.

La empresa de Hlihil es una de las pocas que diseña y corta la tela. "El trabajo es el mismo, es una rutina", explicó. Durante la Intifada siguió produciendo, pese a las difícil conyuntura. "La situación era mala, no mejoró y sigue así", añadió.

Los empleados de Hlihil ganan 20 dólares al día. Los israelíes pagan por pieza. "Es fácil. Si trabajamos, ganamos", indicó. A veces no hay pedidos y los trabajadores se ven obligados a encontrar otra forma de mantener sus ingresos.

Es difícil planificar porque el trabajo depende de la demanda, reconoció.

El desempleo en Cisjordania disminuyó 16,9 por ciento en el último trimestre de 2010, según el Banco Mundial, pero sigue alto.

"Antes de la Intifada solíamos tener trabajo todos los días", señaló Mohammad al Abhbar, uno de los empleados de Hlihil. "Nuestros ingresos eran mejores porque nuestros gastos eran más bajos", añadió.

El presidente de la Cámara de Industria y Comercio de Nablús se mostró contento con la reanudación de los vínculos entre empresarios israelíes y fabricantes palestinos. Kanaan no considera que los subcontratos textiles sean un problema. "Nos dan dinero y nuestra gente tiene trabajo", señaló con una sonrisa.

"En Nablús tenemos comercio, pero no economía", apuntó, con expresión seria. La industria tiene problemas porque muchas fábricas fueron destruidas durante la Intifada. "No se produce valor aquí, sólo hay comercio, que hace circular el dinero de un bolsillo a otro", añadió.

Sólo los fabricantes de muebles mejoraron en Nablús, indicó Kanaan.

"El año 2010 fue excelente, el mejor después de mucho tiempo", señaló Amer Nayef Qatalony, del poblado de Zawata, vecino de esta ciudad.

Cuando el ejército atacó Nablús en 2002 y la ciudad estuvo bajo toque de queda por casi 200 días, la empresa escapó a ar Ram, cerca de Jerusalén, pero en 2006 volvió a esta ciudad. "Desde entonces, nuestra situación mejora lentamente, pero de forma constante", indicó Qatalony.

La competencia china presiona los precios a la baja y pone en peligro a las empresas locales, explicó Qatalony, quien añadió que está seguro de que mucha gente sabe que los muebles palestinos son mejores. "Por suerte, no todos los clientes se fijan sólo en el precio", añadió.

El aumento de las ventas permitió a la compañía tener 90 empleados, respecto de los 30 antes del levantamiento popular de 2000. "Solían venir clientes de Israel y de toda Cisjordania", recordó. La tendencia se recupera lentamente.

Artículo original publicado en inglés por Ray Smith aquí en IPS Inter Press Service.

reportage: "Les Palestiniens ont un commerce, pas une économie"

2001-04-18T21:56:00.002+02:00

2011-04-19

[en] [es]
L'Autorité palestinienne prépare l'établissement d'un Etat dans un avenir proche. Mais l'économie palestinienne reste fortement liée à Israël, et les fabricants lutte pour se remettre de la deuxième Intifada.

Le Coordonnateur spécial des Nations Unies pour le processus de paix au Moyen-Orient (UNSCO) et la Banque mondiale, dans des rapports récents, reconnaissent les progrès de l'Autorité palestinienne dans le renforcement des institutions et l'amélioration des fonctions gouvernementales, indiquant un bon positionnement pour l'établissement d'un Etat.

Selon la Banque mondiale, la croissance économique en Cisjordanie a atteint environ 7,6% du PIB en 2010. Ces chiffres doivent être cependant interprétés avec prudence. La Banque mondiale souligne que la croissance vient "principalement des donateurs" et "reflète une amélioration par rapport au niveau très bas atteint au cours de la deuxième Intifada."

La croissance n'est pas non plus durable et "reste entravée par les restrictions israéliennes," dit le rapport. La croissance ne touche pas tous les secteurs de l'économie palestinienne. Tandis que la construction est en plein essor, la production manufacturière a chuté de près de 6%, restant plus de 10% en dessous du niveau de 1999, souligne la Banque mondiale.
Dans la ville de Naplouse, nichée entre les monts Ebal et Gerizim, au nord de la Cisjordanie, les rues principales, défoncées par les bulldozers et les chars israéliens il y a près de dix ans, sont encombrées de voitures. Des feux de circulation ont remplacé la loi du chaos. Al Mujamma, un vaste complexe de dix étages, surplombe la vieille ville de Naplouse. On y trouve un centre commercial, un cinéma, plusieurs entreprises et une station de taxi en sous-sol.

Le samedi, des dizaines de Palestiniens d'Israël s'y pressent. Basel H. Kanaan, président de la Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie de Naplouse, s'en réjouit, mais met en garde : "Ce n'est pas comme avant l'Intifada." Aujourd'hui, à Khan al-Tujjar, dans la vieille ville, où on vendait, il y a des siècles, des vêtements coûteux venant de Damas et du Caire, les commerçants se font mutuellement concurrence avec des produits de mauvaise qualité fabriqués en Chine.

"Les produits chinois détruisent nos commerces," dit Kanaan. Il explique que les produits locaux peuvent difficilement rivaliser avec les produits chinois. Selon Beshara Doumani, historien palestinien, Naplouse a longtemps été le centre le plus important de Palestine pour le tissage et la teinture des textiles. Ses fabricants de vêtements produisaient des vêtements bon marché pour la clientèle de masse des paysans et des classes urbaines inférieures.

Aujourd'hui, on estime que l'industrie palestinienne de vêtements et de textiles emploie environ 65.000 travailleurs, qui contribuent pour environ 15% à la production manufacturière. C'est à Naplouse que se trouve la plus haute concentration de commerces du textile. La grande majorité emploie moins de 10 employés.
Dans le quartier Aqaba, dans la vieille ville, Moaz Hlihil a 15 ouvriers. Son entreprise, située dans une vieille maison en pierres au plafond vouté, est pleine de tissus, de bobines de fil et de boîtes en bois, avec des portraits de Yasser Arafat sur le mur.

"Nous travaillons avec Israël," dit Hlihil. "Nos possibilités sont très limitées, nous sommes sous siège, Israël est notre seul marché." La plupart des fabricants palestiniens sous-traitent pour des entreprises israéliennes qui délocalisent les étapes de la production qui demandent le plus de main-d’œuvre à cause des bas salaires en Cisjordanie.

La confection de vêtements se compose de plusieurs étapes. Après la conception, le tissu est coupé et cousu. Puis les vêtements sont lavés, repassés, empaquetés et livrés. Les sous-traitants palestiniens reçoivent habituellement le tissu coupé. Enfin, le vêtement empaqueté est ré-exporté en Israël et vendu sur le marché local ou exporté, sous label israélien.

L'entreprise de Hlihil est l'une des rares qui conçoit et coupe elle-même. "Le travail reste le même, c'est la routine," dit Hihlil. Pendant l'Intifada, il a continué à produire malgré les conditions difficiles. "Notre situation était mauvaise, elle ne s'améliore pas et reste mauvaise."

Les employés d'Hlihil gagnent jusqu'à 20 dollars (14€) par jour. Les Israéliens paient à la pièce. "C'est simple," dit Hlihil, "si nous travaillons, nous gagnons de l'argent." Quelquefois, il n'y a plus de travail et ses ouvriers doivent trouver un autre moyen de compenser le manque de revenus. Hihlil admet qu'il est difficile de faire des prévisions parce que le travail se fait à la demande.
Selon la Banque mondiale, le chômage en Cisjordanie a diminué de 16,9% au cours du dernier trimestre 2010. Cependant, ce chiffre ne dit pas tout parce que le taux d'activité est faible et que le sous-emploi est élevé. Mohammad al-Aghbar, un des employés d'Hihlil, a des difficultés à subvenir aux besoins de sa famille si son revenu est instable. "Avant l'Intifada, on avait du travail tous les jours. Et aussi nos revenus étaient plus élevés parce que nos dépenses étaient plus faibles."

A la Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie de Naplouse, le président Kanaan se dit heureux du rétablissement des liens entre les entreprises palestiniennes et les fabricants palestiniens. Pour lui, la sous-traitance dans la production textile ne pose pas de problème. "Ils nous donnent de l'argent et nos gars ont du travail," dit-il en souriant.

Le visage plus sérieux, Kanaan dit : "Ici à Naplouse, nous avons le commerce, mais pas l'économie !" Il explique qu'a cause de la destruction de nombreuses usines pendant l'Intifada, la fabrication locale lutte. "Nous ne produisons ici aucune valeur, il n'y a que le commerce. Mais le commerce consiste seulement à passer l'argent d'une poche à une autre."
Dans le secteur manufacturier de Naplouse, seule l'industrie du meuble a vu une amélioration, souligne Kanaan. A Zawata, village à côté à Naplouse, Amer Nayef Qatalony confirme et dit, "l'année 2010 a été excellente, la meilleure année depuis longtemps." Qatalony est directeur de l'usine de meubles al-Khulood.

En 2002, lorsque l'armée israélienne a attaqué constamment Naplouse, imposé un couvre-feu de près de 200 jours et un bouclage total, l'usine est partie à ar-Ram, près de Jérusalem. En 2006, elle s'est réinstallée à Naplouse. "Depuis, notre situation s'est améliorée lentement mais sûrement," dit Qatalony.

Qatalony dit que la concurrence chinoise pousse les prix à la baisse et menace les producteurs locaux. Il est sûr cependant que beaucoup de gens savent que les meubles produits localement sont de meilleure qualité. "Heureusement, beaucoup de clients ne regardent pas que le prix."

Grâce à l'augmentation des ventes, la société emploie aujourd'hui environ 90 personnes, par rapport aux 30 avant le soulèvement. "Nos clients venaient d'Israël et de toute la Cisjordanie," se souvient-il. Aujourd'hui, ils reviennent lentement.

Ce reportage était écrit par Ray Smith. La version original Anglaise a été publié ici par IPS Inter Press Service.

reportage: "les palestiniens ont un commerce, pas une économie"

2001-04-18T21:56:00.001+02:00

2011-04-19

[en] [es]
l'autorité palestinienne prépare l'établissement d'un etat dans un avenir proche. mais l'économie palestinienne reste fortement liée à israël, et les fabricants lutte pour se remettre de la deuxième Intifada. (...) [lire]

attivista e amico ucciso a gaza

2001-04-15T21:57:00.000+02:00

2011-04-15

[en] [de]
oggi il nostro caro amico vittorio arrigoni, attivista italiano, è stato
ucciso a gaza. secondo le notizie riportate dai media, vittorio è stato
rapito ieri da un gruppo di militanti islamisti. poco tempo dopo il
sequestro è stato ucciso brutalmente.
vittorio era una nostra vecchia conoscenza, con lui abbiamo cooperato in libano e in italia. vittorio era una fonte di ispirazione, con la sua forza e la sua motivazione infinita. siamo shockati e tristi.

possa nostro fratello riposare in pace.

a-films

aktivist und freund in gaza getötet

2001-04-15T09:59:00.002+02:00

2011-04-15

[en] [it]
heute wurde unser guter alter freund vittorio arrigoni aus norditalien in gaza umgebracht. gemäss medienberichten wurde er gestern von einer militanten islamistischen gruppe entführt und kurze zeit später auf fürchterliche weise umgebracht.
wir kannten vittorio seit vielen jahren und haben mit ihm im nordlibanon und in italien zusammengearbeitet. vittorio war eine inspirierende person mit scheinbar unendlicher kraft und motivation. wir sind schockiert und traurig.

möge unser bruder in frieden ruhen.

a-films

report: "Emergency aid: A means of coercion"

2001-03-02T21:00:00.000+01:00

2011-03-02

[de]
A campaign launched in early February criticizes Switzerland's emergency aid regime for rejected asylum-seekers as inhuman and violating the basic rights of those concerned. The constitutional right to assistance in emergency situations has become an instrument of migration policy.

„Emergency aid is no aid at all,“ says Ahmed (Name changed). The young Palestinian knows what he's saying. His asylum request was rejected and he ended up in the emergency aid regime. In Basel, where Ahmed has been living for several years, recipients of emergency aid get 12 Swiss Francs daily. They may sleep in a homeless shelter, which is being closed at daytime. Weekly, Ahmed has to report at the aliens' police. “Every time I went there I feared being arrested and ending up in deportation custody again,” he says. For about a year, he hasn't been reporting any more: “If you're afraid the whole time, at some point it's enough. You'll prefer not to get the money in order to be let alone.” For Ahmed it is clear that emergency aid is just an instrument used by the authorities to pressure and “break” him.

Currently, about 5800 persons in Switzerland receive emergency aid. The aid however isn't a nice favour by the state, but a basic right guaranteed by the constitution. A 2005 ruling by Switzerland's Federal Court states that the reception of emergency aid mustn't be linked to unacceptable and troublesome conditions. Over the last few years, the cantons, which are responsible for delivering the emergency aid, have been competing in aggravating the regime. According to a new report by the Swiss Refugee Council (SRC) the cantons are trying to make those affected leave the country by themselves by introducing increasingly harsh measures, thereby often violating the basic rights of recipients of emergency aid. Examples for such measures are arbitrary arrests, attendance checks and the enforcement of weekly changes of the accommodation.

SRC's Susanne Bolz says: The right to emergency aid has been abused for purposes of migration policy.” The politicization of this basic right and the intentional impoverishment of those affected have led the SRC, Amnesty International, Solidarité sans frontières and the Observatory of Asylum and Aliens' Rights to kick off a countrywide campaign to raise awareness and dispatch the reality of the emergency aid regime. According to their collective consent however, the organizations only demand a “fundamental examination of the emergency aid system” and not its abolishment.

That's a bit meagre, as the campaigns criticizes the regime strongly. Susanne Bolz, for example, says that the emergency aid system as a whole is “highly problematic, because people are being materially deprived and pushed into a system which in many cases violates their human dignity and their basic rights.” Moreno Casasola, Secretary General of Solidarité sans frontières, meanwhile calls the emergency aid regime “a plain failure” and stresses: “In our opinion, the only solution can be to immediately cancel the social assistance stop in a first step.” After that, further steps have to be considered, says Casasola.

In our latest film a recipient of emergency aid explains how he survives with 8.60 Swiss Francs per day. He mostly consumes cheap toast bread, fruit juice, milk and some fruit. “When I have to get soap or a tooth brush, less money remains for food,” says Ken (Name changed). He can't just spend his daily Migros voucher anyhow: “You need to have a plan and deny yourself some things.” For years, Ken has lived in emergency centres around Zurich. He last stayed at the “bunker” in Uster, an underground emergency accommodation. “Living here for years damages you physically and psychologically,” says Ken. Consequently, Sosf's Casasola stresses: “The emergency aid regime is sick and makes sick. And sicknesses have to be fought against.”

This report was written by one of our activists and was published in the Bernese monthly megafon.

bericht: "Nothilfe: Zwangsmassnahme statt Grundrecht"

2001-03-02T20:59:00.001+01:00

2011-03-02

[en]
Eine Anfang Februar lancierte Kampagne kritisiert das Nothilfe-Regime für abgewiesene Asylsuchende hart. Es sei menschenunwürdig und verletze die Grundrechte der Betroffenen. Das Recht auf Hilfe in der Not ist längst zu einem migrationspolitischen Instrument verkommen.

„Die Nothilfe ist keine Hilfe,“ sagt Ahmed (Name geändert). Der junge Palästinenser muss es wissen. Sein Asylgesuch wurde abgelehnt und er landete in der Nothilfe. In Basel, wo Ahmed seit mehreren Jahren lebt, erhalten NothilfebezügerInnen 12 Franken pro Tag. Schlafen können sie in der Notschlafstelle, welche tagsüber geschlossen bleibt. Ahmed musste sich wöchentlich bei der Fremdenpolizei melden. „Jedes Mal fürchtete ich, verhaftet zu werden und wieder in Ausschaffungshaft zu landen,“ sagt er. Seit rund einem Jahr meldet er sich nicht mehr: „Wenn du die ganze Zeit Angst hast, reicht es dir irgendwann. Also verzichtest du auf das Geld, um in Ruhe gelassen zu werden.“ Für Ahmed ist klar: Die Nothilfe ist ein Instrument der Behörden um ihn unter Druck zu setzen und ihn „kaputt zu machen.“

Gegenwärtig beziehen in der Schweiz rund 5800 Personen Nothilfe. Diese ist nicht etwa eine nette Gefälligkeit des Staates, sondern ein verfassungsmässig garantiertes Recht. Ein Bundesgerichtsurteil von 2005 besagt zudem, dass der Nothilfebezug nicht an unzumutbare oder schikanöse Bedingungen geknüpft sein darf. Die für die Ausrichtung der Nothilfe zuständigen Kantone haben sich in den vergangenen Jahren jedoch einen regelrechten Verschärfungs-Wettbewerb geliefert. Ein neuer Bericht der Schweizerischen Flüchtlingshilfe (SFH) unterstreicht, dass die Kantone versuchen, „NothilfebezügerInnen mit möglichst abschreckenden Massnahmen, die nicht selten die Grundrechte der Betroffenen tangieren, zur freiwilligen Ausreise zu bewegen.“ Beispiele für solche Massnahmen sind etwa willkürliche Verhaftungen, Präsenzkontrollen oder der Zwang zum wöchentlichen Wechsel der Unterkunft.

Für Susanne Bolz von der SFH ist klar: „Das Recht auf Unterstützung in Notlagen wurde für migrationspolitische Massnahmen zweckentfremdet.“ Die Politisierung dieses Grundrechts und die gezielte Prekarisierung der Betroffenen haben die SFH, Amnesty International, Solidarité sans Frontières und die Beobachtungsstelle für Asyl- und Ausländerrecht dazu bewogen, eine nationale Sensibilisierungskampagne zu starten und die Realität der Nothilfe aufzuzeigen. Auf ihrer kollektiven Plattform fordern die Organisationen jedoch bloss eine „grundsätzliche Überprüfung des Nothilfesystems“ und nicht etwa eine Abkehr davon.

Bisschen mager, denn die Kampagne geht mit dem Regime hart ins Gericht. So sagt etwa Susanne Bolz, das gesamte Nothilfesystem sei „höchst problematisch, da Personen per Gesetz prekarisiert und in ein System gedrängt werden, welches ihre Menschenwürde und ihre Grundrechte in vielen Fällen nicht wahrt.“ Als „schlicht gescheitert“ beurteilt indes Moreno Casasola, Generalsekretär von Solidarité sans frontières (Sosf) das Nothilfe-Regime und betont: „Für Sosf kann die einzige Lösung nunmehr sein, dass man in einem sofortigen ersten Schritt den Sozialhilfestopp aufhebt.“ Dann solle man weiterschauen, so Casasola.

In unserem neusten Film erklärt derweil ein Nothilfebezüger, wie er mit 8.60 Fr. pro Tag überlebt. Er kauft sich damit meist billiges Toastbrot, Fruchtsaft, Milch und etwas Früchte. „Wenn ich etwa Seife oder eine Zahnbürste kaufen muss, bleibt weniger für Essen übrig,“ sagt Ken (Name geändert). Seinen täglichen Migros-Gutschein könne er nicht einfach irgendwie ausgeben: „Du musst einen Plan haben und dir gewisse Dinge vorenthalten.“ Ken lebte jahrelang in Notunterkünften im Kanton Zürich, zuletzt im „Bunker“ von Uster, einer (unterirdischen) Zivilschutzanlage. „Wenn du hier jahrelang lebst, schadet dir das psychisch und physisch,“ sagt Ken. Für Sosf's Casasola ist daher klar: „Das Nothilfe-Regime macht, was es ist: krank. Und Krankheiten müssen bekämpft werden.“

Dieser Bericht wurde einem unserer AktivistInnen verfasst und in der Berner Monatszeitschrift megafon abgedruckt.

bericht: "nothilfe: zwangsmassnahme statt grundrecht"

2001-03-02T20:59:00.000+01:00

2011-03-02

[en]
eine anfang februar lancierte kampagne kritisiert das nothilfe-regime für abgewiesene asylsuchende hart. es sei menschenunwürdig und verletze die grundrechte der betroffenen. das recht auf hilfe in der not ist längst zu einem migrationspolitischen instrument verkommen. (...) [weiterlesen]